Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues

THE DEMOCRATIC MANIFESTO

YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009

YABLOKO's POLITICAL COMMITTEE DECISIONS:

YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies

 

Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century

 

On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009

 

On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009

 

Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010

 

Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010

 

Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009

 

The 17th Congress of YABLOKO

 

 

 

The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko


The 11th congress of Yabloko


The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support

Archives

Categories

SOON!

FOR YOUR INTEREST!

Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura

Realeconomik

The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

Resoulution
On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
www.svobodanews.ru
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

Demodernization
by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000

IT IS IMPORTANT!

 

Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Lev Shlosberg: On Politics and Violence

Lev Shlosberg’s Telegram channel, 30.09.2024
Illustration: The Stoning of St. Stephen, a biblical story from The Acts of the Apostles.
18+ НАСТОЯЩИЙ МАТЕРИАЛ (ИНФОРМАЦИЯ) ПРОИЗВЕДЕН, РАСПРОСТРАНЕН ИНОСТРАННЫМ АГЕНТОМ ЛЬВОМ МАРКОВИЧЕМ ШЛОСБЕРГОМ ЛИБО КАСАЕТСЯ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ИНОСТРАННОГО АГЕНТА ЛЬВА МАРКОВИЧА ШЛОСБЕРГА
18+ THIS MATERIAL (INFORMATION) HAS BEEN PRODUCED AND DISTRIBUTED BY THE FOREIGN AGENT LEV MARKOVICH SHLOSBERG OR CONCERNS THE ACTIVITIES OF THE FOREIGN AGENT LEV MARKOVICH SHLOSBERG [This capitalised section is a text Lev Shlosberg is obliged to add under the ‘foreign agent’ law to any publication he makes; we include it here solely to give readers an idea of the pressures under which civil society actors operate in Russia]
Hopes for internal change in Russia, whether related to Prigozhin’s rebellion, Ukraine’s invasion, or outright bets on a revolution, all concern the same fundamental issue: the permissibility of violence in politics. Attitudes toward the use of violence in politics are a crucial dividing line when it comes to collaboration, alliances, and coalitions.

Hopes based on the use of force in politics are attractive for people in diverse circumstances, who are united by certain motives, some of which are value-based and others of which are psychological in nature.
Hopes for change through violence are often founded in feelings of despair and powerlessness to change anything in one’s own life. People lose the hope of living to see change happen naturally and draw the paradoxical conclusion that change must be accelerated: political birth by Cesarean section in the hope that a healthy organism will be born.
Hopes for change through violence are often associated with a loss of real ties to society and a transition into delusion, where conclusions about society as a whole are drawn from the views of a segment of those who hold similarly radical ideas. An unshared reality is a kind of political trauma that destabilizes people and prevents them from perceiving and understanding what is truly happening.
The hope for change through violence is always associated with a repudiation of the value of human life as such, a conscious agreement to sacrifice parts of society to achieve practical political goals. The maxim “the end justifies the means,” rooted in medieval Jesuit philosophy and practice, becomes a maxim on immorality and amorality in a modern interpretation, if we understand morality as that which aligns with human dignity and respects human rights and freedoms.
The hope for change through violence is always associated with populism and a deliberate deception of society. All of the central slogans of the Bolshevik revolution were as deceptive as they were compelling: “Peace to the peoples,” “Land to the peasants,” “Factories to the workers,” “Power to the soviets.”
Peace turned into civil war with millions of victims; instead of ownership of the land came barbaric dekulakization and the forcible creation of collective farms; instead of the ownership by labor collectives came total state ownership; and instead of power in the hands of elected soviets came a terrorist ideological apparatus. Society was promised freedom, but they got gulags.
The hope for change through violence breeds a lack of fundamental legitimacy for states created through violence. The means used to gain power predetermine the nature of the power, as well as the substance and forms of its policies.
Violent seizure of power leads to the formation of a violent state, one with totalitarian aims, meaning it completely suppresses freedom and democracy.
The saying “violence is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one” comes from Karl Marx, the founder of the ideology of class struggle (Capital, Volume 1, Chapter 31). Violence is appealing as a means of political activity, with those who organize it seeking after power for its own sake, outside the boundaries of values and moral principles. A struggle for power coupled accompanied by a denial of the value of human life was a hallmark of classic Bolshevism.
Any attempts to apply this ideology in 21st century Russia will lead to results no different from those of the first quarter of the 20th century.
A politics based on subjugation and repression cannot be fought with the use of violence that denies the human right to life. The repeated mistakes of Russia’s bloody history lie in the path of anyone who tries to achieve power with weapons in their hands.
Natural political changes can only come to fruition from within a society that is suffering from a lack of freedom. Violence does not speed up the passing of history; it only moves it backwards.