Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Geneva 2021: What Is Russia Left With?

“I am leaving the same way I came”

Grigory Yavlinsky’s web-site, 18.06.2021

Photo: June 16, 2021. From left to right: Russian President Vladimir Putin, President of the Swiss Confederation Guy Parmelin and US President Joe Biden at the Villa La Grange in Geneva. Photo by Sergei Guneyev / RIA Novosti

The Geneva summit ended as expected without any significant breakthroughs. Ambassadors will be able to return to their places of work in Moscow and Washington, consultations will continue, mass media will find out who “won” in the negotiations, both sides will deal with nuclear security and the START treaty, and possibly even create some working groups to discuss cybersecurity issues.

Indeed, no one expected breakthroughs. The Presidents of Russia and the United States met primarily in order to meet. Such PR is useful for both Vladimir Putin and Joe Biden. Well, why not, at the same time, talk in the “realpolitik” format  about common and different positions on such important topics as nuclear security, arms control, cybercrime, Iran and Afghanistan? After the summit, many noted that Vladimir Putin got what he wanted from the meeting – he emphasized his importance without compromising anything. And so it is.

Obviously, the negotiations on nuclear security did not require a meeting of the Presidents – both countries have accumulated vast experience, and there are enough specialists of the top level. Indeed,  one can create working groups on cybersecurity agreeing it by phone. If there is a will not to cheat and do something really useful. But if we put aside the personal achievements of the Russian President in the field of world glamour and PR, then here goes what Russia is left with due to maintaining the status quo:


– sanctions – the old sanctions which no one is going to cancel, and the new ones which are already on the way;

– confrontation as the main content of bilateral relations with the world;

absence of allies to rely on in the increasingly complicated situation in the region and in the conditions of the growing terrorist threat after the withdrawal of the Americans from Afghanistan;

– the Syrian trap that can go off at any moment.


And there can be no talk of any “new Yalta” [the Yalta Conference of Joseph Stalin, Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt in February 1945, when they agreed on a new world order, that had to be installed after the end of the Second World War]. Putin has Lukashenko and Assad instead of Churchill and Roosevelt. This is a deliberate choice of the Russian authorities, the meaning and content of the Kremlin’s policy, not even since 2014, but since 2007. But this choice leads to a dead end.


Pretending to be the USSR and trying to carry out today the policies of 60 years ago is a gross historical mistake. It is a dangerous misconception that one can go back somewhere. One can destroy everything, but one cannot return to the past. The West conducted a dialogue with the USSR as with an ally in the Second World War – with respect and gratitude. The attitude towards today’s Russia is completely different, especially after Ukraine and Crimea. And, by the way, all Putin’s attempts to establish at least some kind of dialogue with the world are meaningless until a dialogue with society and the opposition in Russia is established.


Back in 1985, the leaders of the USSR and the USA met in Geneva. The whole world followed the negotiations between Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan as a key global process. That summit was certainly future-oriented and therefore well-timed. The threat of nuclear war posed the main threat to the entire world, and the personal meeting of the leaders of two incompatible ideologies gave real hope for a secure future.


The Geneva summit in June 2021, rapidly spread throughout the world media, in accordance with its status, but after a couple of days it vanished from the information agenda almost without a trace.


How did it happen that the heads of the two largest nuclear powers had nothing to talk about at the negotiations except missiles?


It is not the first year that Russia has been moving into the past. The Western world is going around in circles. The global agenda in the West is increasingly often determined by new tasks, the solutions and even understanding of which are still lacking. Fundamentally new meanings, the crisis of national political institutions and mechanisms – all this characterises the onset of a new era in global development. The distinctive features of the new era are also strengthening of nationalism and authoritarianism, and growing social inequality exacerbated by the pandemic.


The meeting between Vladimir Putin and Joe Biden in Geneva was the icing on the cake of the summits: past week the G7 met in London, and Brussels hosted the NATO summit. However, neither in London nor in Brussels the questions adequate to the realities of the 21st century were raised in their entirety. Thus, the problem of low expectations and hardly a higher assessment of the results concerns not only the Russian-American relations that hit the bottom.


Today it is impossible to discuss only the “red lines”, much-loved by Vladimir Putin and Joe Biden. In the modern world, the discussion of “red lines” is a confident step towards a real war. The fundamental task, which really corresponds to the time, lies in the other field: in preserving a common perspective for the world, finding a vector of movement towards this perspective, returning meaning, hope, and the future to people.


The key problem for the Western democracy is not so much the external threat from Russia or China, but the glaring manifestations of a dysfunction of the public-state system, and the invasion of populism and nationalism into politics (the inability of state institutions to effectively resist the pandemic is also a consequence of the institutional crisis). It is the inoperability of political institutions and the lagging of human consciousness from technologies that pose the main threats to the modern international community.


Today, in conditions of political entropy, in the midst of glamour, PR and TikTok, it seems at least strange to talk about the necessary measures and steps towards a distant, but objectively real perspective. However, if one nevertheless decide on this, then it will be about the following:


– adoption of a number of urgent measures aimed at protection of national democratic state institutions from populist and nationalist corrosion;

– awareness of the need for forward-looking strategic political thinking;

– inclusion in the long-term agenda of the issue of Russian-European integration – as a designation of the direction to the future;

– formation of a strategy for the reconstruction and the reset of state and public institutions based on common values.


This is the opening of the perspective, indicating the way to the future for the whole world. And only along this path will the real role of Russia be revealed. The role that Russia can and has to play in the modern world – not the heiress of the Soviet nuclear arsenal, not the oil appendage of the developed countries, not the center of world kleptocracy and corruption, not a country with a negative reputation, completely shrouded in state lies, political repression and incipient terror, but a country with huge historical, cultural, intellectual, creative and human potential.


Only then will summit meetings make sense. Until then, there is no need to expect significant breakthroughs. Everything remains the same. There is no forward-looking strategic vision of the future – entropy continues.




Grigory Yavlinsky

is Chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO, Vice President of Liberal International, PhD in Economics, Professor of the National Research University Higher School of Economics.