Speech at the Federal Council on 6.12.2025, published on 7.12.2025

Photo: Member of the Federal Political Committee Ivan Bolshakov / Photo by the Yabloko Press Service

You know, it is not very appropriate when a party bestows unique characteristics upon itself and describes itself in exceptional terms. However, sometimes circumstances develop in such a way that these terms and characteristics become the genuine truth, rather than forms of positioning and PR.

It has so happened that Yabloko remains one of a kind. The only democratic party in the country. The only legal opposition. The only political force in Russia opposing bloodshed, repression and dictatorship.

All other parties increasingly resemble one another – in ideology, programmes, voting patterns, and discursive techniques. They have one task – to sing praises to the authorities and brand their enemies – internal or external, real or imaginary. Not enemies of the country and not even enemies of the state, but merely of a group of people who, following the precepts of Louis XIV, have appropriated the right to speak on behalf of the country and the state.

Some call this patriotism. But the truth is that Yabloko’s position on a ceasefire, on the value of human life, freedom from arbitrariness and lawlessness – is the most patriotic position. Because the only political condition that has prospects is one in which the state exists for people, not people for the state. One which places rights and freedoms at the centre of its policies, not security structures, arbitrariness or bureaucratic instructions.

Preserving people’s lives and freedom, peace and human rights – this is true patriotism. I am not even talking about the fact that this is the direct obligation of the state. Even under our Constitution, mutilated by amendments.

However much Russia’s citizens may be shrouded in propaganda and imposed lack of alternatives, deep down they all understand this. People are tired, they want to find a way out of the dramatic situation in which we all live. By the end of the fourth year of the so-called special military operation, the overwhelming majority of Russians (65%, according to sociologists) support an agreement on a ceasefire and peace negotiations.

The economic situation is gradually worsening. A collapse probably won’t happen. But reserves are melting away. Prices are rising. Taxes are increasing. New fees and levies are being introduced. Industrial production is stagnating, and even injections into the military-industrial complex no longer help. And parliamentary elections are approaching – with such moods and in such conditions.

That is why the authorities have turned against Yabloko. That is why we have faced repression against our colleagues and friends, against those who have the courage to engage in opposition politics in Russia and call things by their proper names. That is why they sent Lev Shlosberg, Maxim Kruglov an Konstantin Smirnov to remand prisons, and are trying to deprive Nikolai Rybakov of the opportunity to lead the party into the State Duma elections.

Kremlin officials openly declare that our party has supposedly become radicalised. But the truth is that Yabloko is a moderate centrist party, committed exclusively to parliamentary, electoral methods of political struggle.

Squeezing legal opposition out of political life deprives sincere, decent and peace-loving people of faith in evolutionary change, and the possibility of realising their views and convictions within the framework of democratic politics. This not only reduces incentives for participation in political activities as such, but also pushes discontented people into the hands of radicals.

When the obstacle in the form of moderate opposition is cast aside, real extremists will come who will use violent methods of change. The sadly famous formula of Martin Niemöller – “then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak for me” – works both ways.

And yet, as you know, Yabloko’s Federal Political Committee has decided that the party will participate in the 2026 elections. There should be no illusions or inflated expectations in connection with this. But nevertheless, Yabloko has a chance. This is acknowledged in the Kremlin, and this is acknowledged by sociologists. Because external circumstances create grounds for voters to make a choice. The authorities will do everything to sow fear and conceal the alternative. But the correctness of our position will become increasingly obvious.

In these conditions, we need to learn to work, combining value identity, understanding of risks and practical effectiveness. This will most likely not be a classic election campaign – with headquarters of political strategists and creative advertising, PR and marketing.

This does not mean we should forget about voters’ pressing problems and speak only about global issues. It is important not to lose ourselves in the pursuit of electoral results and those value meanings that we have developed and promoted in recent years. We need to build a bridge from pressing problems to questions of war and peace, freedom and unfreedom, law and lawlessness.

This campaign will be very difficult, perhaps the most difficult of all in which we have  participated. But people need hope, even if there are no grounds for it. People need light, even if they don’t recognise this necessity in the moment. Even if this light is merely a smouldering ember or a burning splinter.

We need to try to conduct this campaign and provide voters with an alternative, as far as it is within our power and as far as political conditions allow us.

Being optimistic is difficult and perhaps even inappropriate today. Tomorrow will certainly be worse than today. But society and politics don’t always act logically and don’t always go in a straight line in accordance with observable trends. And perhaps the day after tomorrow it will become easier to breathe and something will begin to change for the better. It is for this that we work.