Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

The Kurils’ Deadlock

Grigory Yavlinsky’s web-site, 14.01.2019

Grigory Yavlinsky on the upcoming negotiations between Vladimir Putin and Shinzo Abe and the dispute over the Kuril Islands

Japan’s Foreign Minister Taro Kono arrived in Moscow to prepare the visit of Japan’s Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. At the negotiations in late January, Shinzo Abe and Vladimir Putin will discuss the issue of concluding a peace treaty [between Russia and Japan, which the USSR and Japan failed to conclud after the Second World War]. The task is to agree on a formula for resolving a territorial dispute between Russia and Japan and come close to defining the specific framework of a future treaty. Real information – and often just hysterical – battles have developed around this issue recently.

The Japanese Prime Minister has been actively preparing public opinion in his country for a seemingly predetermined (as he interpreted it) deal based on the formula set forth in the Soviet-Japanese Declaration of 1956, with the transfer of the Shikotan Island and the group of uninhabited Habomai Islands (that are part of the Kuril Islands) to Japan after signing the peace treaty. This has already caused a sharp reaction from the Russian Foreign Ministry.

At the same time, the Japanese leader is trying to get rid of at least some of the formal obstacles to such a deal: to remove the issue of compensation for property lost by Japan and guarantee in some way the demilitarised status of the islands under discussion.

On the Russian side, there have been only statements so far about the unconditional legitimacy of the territorial changes that occurred as a result of the Second World War. But this goes against the Japanese stance. There are no points of coincidence. Russian official news agencies say so, “No one expects the talks to become a friendly conversation – the degree of the political discussion has heated too much.”

However, neither side seems to be going to cancel the scheduled meetings and negotiations – either hoping to “press in” the partner on the way to the finishing tape, or knowing something that the society is not yet aware of. One way or another, but the emerging situation causes embarrassment and annoyance.

First, one must either openly say that Russia is looking for a compromise, which, however, is impossible without changing the actually existing border, or, if this is considered unacceptable, postpone the issue for another few decades. And it is a bad, unworthy policy talking for years about one thing, having something completely different in mind and explaining nothing about the estimated result to anyone (or perhaps not even realizing all this).

Second, if the issue is to be solved be means of a compromise, then this cannot be only a decision of the government, without explaining it to the people. The transfer of even the symbolic part of the territory actually controlled by the state is perceived very emotionally. It is necessary to go into long and detailed explanations of all this and widely discuss with the whole country the causes, goals and the desired effect of such a step. The Russian society is completely unaware of the Japanese side, and the Russian authorities have not presented their arguments in favour of any compromise solution.

Third, it is obvious that when discussing this topic with people, then neither legal casuistry (which the government itself doesn’t give a damn), nor tales about some cash flows that are to suddenly fall on the Far East and its inhabitants, are not enough. Only very large things that are important for all and related to fundamentally new Russian politics and Russia’s position in the world can be the arguments. However, these matters will not change for the better in the current situation and under our present authorities – neither with the treaty with Japan, nor without it. And the Kremlin’s games with weaving of short-term geopolitical intrigues, as usual, will end in shameful nothing.

Fourth, it is important to understand that in the final analysis this is not about relations between political persons, but about relations between nations. Any manifestations of dishonesty – be it backlash solutions, or crafty winks, or tactical reticence regarding the partners in the negotiations – ultimately spoil relations between nations. And this is serious and for a long time. Certainly, politics cannot do without elements of a game and all sorts of omissions. However, in a territorially-international dispute, the illusion of a tactical gain will result in strategic losses for decades.

Fifth, if one solves the issue strategically, for decades or even centuries, one has to understand that a reliable solution of territorial disputes is possible only if the situation evolves positively for all its participants in normal good-neighbourly relations. We observe the example of the Middle East, where territorial conflicts have not been extinguished for decades. In Western Europe there were no less historical disputes and mutual claims, but over the past 70 years, territorial disputes at least significantly lost relevance as a result of successful development and integration if not disappeared altogether (as in the heads of people such disputes live longer than in official diplomacy). And the territorial dispute between Russia and Japan lasting, in fact, since the end of the Second World War, can remain in the past only if such mutually successful development occurs.

Finally, the sixth, and very important. There is a big difference between talking about the fate of the islands as a place where people live and work, and discussing their legal background. Living conditions in the Kuriles are bad, to put it mildly. And it would be good if the Russian-Japanese agreements could somehow improve people’s lives. However, unfortunately, the endless facade agreements on the “beginning of consultations on cooperation” in the absence of basic understanding between Russia and Japan still do not promise real change for the better for the residents of the Kuril Islands.