Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Speech by YABLOKO leader Sergei Mitrokhin, Liberal International Congress, Rotterdam

April 26, 2014

If we want to better understand Russia’s policies towards Ukraine and Crimea we have to be aware of some important motives and incentives behind Vladimir Putin’s actions.
Vladimir Putin received an oligarchic economy as Boris Yeltsin’s legacy, and in the past 14 years built his own system of political domination on this basis, and he is the key and indispensable element in this system. Vladimir Putin connects his perspectives only with the existence of this system and only as its head.BmJiQMBIQAAOnh_.jpg large
All of Russia’s economic and political elite extracting their huge profits out of the country’s economy and at the expense of the rest of the population of Russia, make their plans accordingly.
The Russian elite realizes that it can get rid of all its riches if Vladimir Putin retreats from power.
Such a threat comes from other countries where from time to time Orange Revolutions or revolutions of other colours sweep off the political regimes similar to that formed under Putin.
The fear of an Orange Revolution phantom has been the main driving force in the evolution of the regime since 2004, when the first such revolution occurred in Ukraine. It was followed by the Arab Spring, and now by a new revolution in Ukraine, which is much more radical. Mass rallies in Moscow in 2011-2012 showed that such scenarios are very real for Russia too.
Therefore, during all these ten years the Kremlin has been developing a programme of preventive measures that would preempt the regime change. This programme included, in the first place, toughening of reprisals against the opposition, draconian laws against the civil society, curbing of civil rights and freedoms, etc.
However, quite soon this policy came into conflict with the Western vector of development, which Russia, despite all its mistakes and jerks, maintained throughout 1990s. Hence, the regime made a sharp ideological turn towards the anti-Western vector and, respectively, confrontation with the West.
The Western vector of development did not satisfy Vladimir Putin, simply because it was incompatible with unlimited power. So the project of a “special Russian civilization” based on fundamentally different values – the “traditional” values – with an explicit allusion to the tsarist autocratic rule was developed in order to justify the uncontrolled power and make it unlimited in time.
Defamation of the West and its values is implemented in the Russian society through an active propaganda against the LGBT community, which is supported by a special law.
Confrontation with the West and the outer world in general has to solve two domestic tasks:
First, it strengthens the support for that part of the Russian society, which was disappointed by pro-Western and highly inefficient reforms of 1990s;
Second, basing on the mass-scale patriotic hysteria caused by the confrontation with the “external enemy” it is much easier to suppress the pro-Western opposition, which, according to the Kremlin, generates the main threat of the Orange Revolution.
If international isolation is the price of a lifelong power, as shown by the experience of North Korea, Cuba and some other countries, then why not pay this price, especially if one can lose the power together with freedom and even live.
Putin and his circle consider Ukraine, Belarus and the Central Asian countries as the sphere of vital interests of their system of domination. The regime of Viktor Yanukovych met these interests. Therefore, its collapse was perceived as a challenge not only to the foreign policy interests, but the entire Putin’s system.
All that happened to Crimea and has been happening now to the Eastern regions of Ukraine, should be regarded as a response to this challenge.
Putin demonstrates with such actions that he can win over Orange Revolution supporters in their own territory, not to mention Russia.
For him, Ukraine is a battlefield where he wants to destroy not only the new Kyiv authorities, but also the West with its “undermining” Orange Revolution project.
He wants to demonstrate to the world who the real master of the post-Soviet space is, while creating an “imperial PR” for himself in Russia, an image of the “gatherer of the Russian lands”. He openly declares that under his leadership Russia will implement the imperial project of reunion of Russians throughout the whole of the former Soviet territory.
The next in turn are not only the Eastern regions of Ukraine but also Transnistria, and then, perhaps, Kazakhstan and Belarus.
What will happen next?
The “imperial project” can not be long-term, as it is fraught with enormous risks. Putin’s system in general has a very small margin of stability, as it is based on extremely unfair distribution of property and national income. Economy is almost entirely dependent on global raw material prices.
Now external challenges associated with illegitimacy of the border are added to these internal sources of instability.
Instead of solving its multiple problems, Russia will spend its oil revenues onto new territories, and without any pay-off: a corrupt state is unable to develop even its old lands, not to mention the new ones.
What should the West do? Sanctions are not a way out of the situation. They are a double-edged. Western countries are unlikely to sacrifice hundreds of thousands of jobs that exist due to the supply of goods and equipment to Russia. In addition, Putin will use sanctions for provoking a new round of anti-Western hysteria and suppression of the opposition.
The main response of the West can be a kind of a Marshall Plan for Ukraine. After the citizens of Russia will see that European integration has led to the improvement of life of Ukrainians, they sooner or later will realize that Putin is leading the country to a deadlock, and there is no real alternative to the European way of development in the modern world.