Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

On the lost time and the “sovereign armored train”

Grigory Yavlinsky’s web-site, 30.04.2019

Vladimir Putin said that the decree on the simplified procedure for issuing Russian passports to residents of certain regions of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine was “a humanitarian measure”. That is, it is like taking care of people who are suffering. In fact, in order to alleviate the suffering of the residents of Donbass, one must first of all end the war. A decree on passports represents, on the contrary, continuation of the policy that gave rise to the war in the east of Ukraine.

It is this hypocritical foreign and domestic policy of the recent decades that has led our country to a deadlock. As a result, the current situation in Russia can well be called a hybrid political crisis, which gradually develops into a comprehensive one (see Breaking the Circle, April 2019). The rapid decline in ratings of the ruling group, growing uncertainty in the future and, against this background, endless talk about empty restructuring of the political system in order to keep themselves in power for an unlimited period of time – all these are the signs of impending serious problems.


The peculiarity of our time is almost universal global political instability and unpredictability, certainly, the post-Soviet space inclusive. However, Kiev’s course (with all the political failures and surprises) represents the European way, striving for the European Union, and this is the key stabiliser of the present situation in Ukraine, a window and door to the future for the country.


And also Kazakhstan, which, despite the controllability of the situation, yet experiences problems of political transit, tends towards the European political culture so much that, fearing Russian imperial politics after the Crimea and Donbass, it officially refuses the Russian language and Cyrillics in favour of the English language and Latin. Back in 2008, the government of Kazakhstan adopted the state programme “Path to Europe”: Kazakhstan appeals to European countries for help and advice on reforms, rather than to Moscow or Beijing. Before making changes to its constitution in 2017, Kazakhstan, for example, asked for help from the Venice Commission at the Council of Europe. The road to European democracy is long, but Kazakhstan is moving in a historically right direction and is a respected member of the international community.


And our country is deprived of any guidelines. On the contrary, over the past five years, Russia has turned into a country with a negative reputation and has further strengthened the idea of ​​itself as of a mafia state, following the “path that does not exist” – to Eurasia, China, back to the USSR, or somewhere else… It will be extremely difficult to get rid of such a reputation. And in these conditions any, even insignificant problem becomes destructive.


Endless friction in relations with Belarus is another symptom of the situation in which Russia is coming to a crisis. News about the suspension of Belarusian exports of petroleum products due to the poor quality of Russian oil (deliberately spoiling the equipment of Belarusian enterprises?) and reports of Russian sanctions against Belarusian agricultural products have become common. But recent statements by Lukashenko deserve attention: “Anyone who dares to destroy Belarus today – the president, the government or someone else – they will be cursed by our Belarusian people, and who dares to do it by force – they will receive a powerful response from our people, first of all those born in a sovereign and independent Belarus.” This is the “echo” of the annexation of Crimea, the war in Donbass and, obviously, pressure aimed at the inclusion of Belarus into Russia as the 86th subject of the Russian Federation. That is how Russia is paying for aggressive actions against one of its closest neighbours and for its anti-European policy in general (see “Five years after Crimea: the Consequences”, March 2019).


Going on breaking the post-Soviet space, Moscow increasingly conflicts with its neighbours (see “Russia Is Creating a Zone of Instability Around Its Borders”, March 2014).


“In cultural and historical terms, Russia, like Ukraine, and Belarus, belongs to the European civilization, and the European direction is the only really existing direction of their further development. If these countries want to preserve their statehood in the 21st century, then they have no other way.  An attempt to move in a different direction represents a deviation from natural historical development. <…>


The Ukrainian crisis is of particular importance since it is the first large-scale manifestation of this deviation and a direct consequence of the disruption of the natural process of the historical development of the post-Soviet space. The key role in this crisis belongs to Russia. <…>


Russia’s unnatural refusal to move along the European path means a disruption in the post-Soviet space. The main obstacle for the European way is not the present problems in Europe and growth of the Asian economy, but its fundamental incompatibility with the interests of the Russian ruling class in preserving itself and the current Russian system of merging power, property and business. The talk of “Eurasianism” is a demagogic cover for this incompatibility. ”


The active phase of the conflict with Ukraine has been going on for over five years: people are dying, life is being destroyed and time is running out. The problems are only getting worse. But instead of solving them, there is a desire to step on the tail of triumphant trampism during the growing confrontation with the United States: Putin meets with Kim Jong-un, who arrived in Vladivostok on his father’s armored train, while the Russian Defense Minister speaks of the ability to overcome the American missile defence system as the main achievement of the country.


In 2001, Kim Jong-il, the previous North Korean leader, came to Russia on the same train. Then there was no isolation, there were hopes vested in Russia, we had more opportunities to influence the situation on the Korean Peninsula, and world politics in general. Although the essence of the choice was the same as at present: the European vector of domestic policy and cooperation with the democratic world in solving global problems or the “sovereign armored train” going into nowhere. As a result, the choice was made in favour of the latter.


It has been almost two decades ago – two decades of movement to nobody knows where to, two decades of lost time. If the same policies are continued, the loss of time will somehow result in losing the country’s future.