Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Grigory Yavlinsky: Putin is paving the way for creation of a totalitarian state in Russia

Grigory Yavlinsky’s web-site, 4.03.2020

The President submitted to the State Duma a package of his amendments to the Constitution. In a week, the presidential amendments will be approved by the deputies, then by the Federation Council and regional legislative assemblies, and on 22 April they will be supported by a majority in the All-Russian plebiscite.

Video: Speech by Grigory Yavlinsky at a meeting of the Public Constitutional Council, February 2020

However, Putin’s amendments are aimed at consolidating of a fundamentally different concept of the Russian state in the Basic Law of the country. Instead of the democratic socially oriented state stipulated by the current Constitution, an unlawful model of a closed nomenclature-bureaucratic corporate state of a mafia type with the ideology of demagogic patriotism is unlawfully imposed on the country.

The Russian Constitution is boldly turned into an instrument of the authoritarian power. This will be a “Putin’s” Constitution, with the system of organisation of power proposed by Putin and the possibility of further changes at the initiative of Putin. This is already not about the development vector of the state, but about the goal – what Putin is going to turn our country into.


The essence of the nomenclature-bureaucratic corporate state of the mafia type lies in the inseparability of the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of power, their interweaving and subordination to an authoritarian ruler personally. Such a system is governed by fear and corruption. There are no fair elections, or independent court, or rule of law, or justice there.


The elements of this system have already been actively planted into our lives. The Network case, the New Greatness case, the Moscow “riots” case, broadening of the practices of bringing to trial for high treason – all this is institutionalisation of the punitive justice. Putin’s constitutional amendments regarding the judiciary ultimately follow the same course. In fact, they institutionalise the understanding of the court as a punishing organ of the corporate state, rather than an independent branch of power.


The practices of participation of Russian private military companies in armed conflicts around the world are expanding. At the same time, private military companies do not initially exist as independent structures, but are closely connected with the law enforcement agencies of the state.


It is proposed that the isolationist complex of views on the Second World War and Victory [in this war] be consolidated in the Putin Constitution as the core of the ideology of the corporate state. Such an ideology strongly contradicts the understanding [of the Second World War] as the largest catastrophe of the 20th century in Europe and throughout the civilised world. In addition, the theme of defending the Fatherland and the feat of the people will still be cynically exploited in Russia.


In general, the ideological component of the amendments is the same unconnectable puzzle from the Soviet anthem, the monarchical imperial two-headed eagle and the tricolor flag symbolysing democratic Russia. This eclectic formation will be based on the “Soviet legacy” as the cornerstone of the system. Mentioning of God and faith in the Constitution in combination with the provision on the succession of the present-day Russia to the Soviet communist state, which continuously, purposefully and brutally destroyed faith and believers, looks, to put it mildly, very strange.


The unconditional succession to the USSR means the continuity of Bolshevism, Stalinism and all the crimes of the Soviet period, beginning with the coup d’etat of 1917 and, therefore, a return to different forms of modern Bolshevism, political persecution of opponents and political repressions. And the point here is not whether a direct repetition of the Great Terror is possible in the 21st century, but that it is a return to a state system deprived of objective legitimacy based on lies and violence (see “Lies and Legitimacy”, April 2011).


Thus, through amending the Constitution, they are performing a transition from the imitation democracy with decorative, but formally maintained institutions to the creation of full-fledged institutions of the state that are officially formalised and legitimised through a plebiscite and where the power belongs to the nomenclature and bureaucracy.


It is incredibly difficult to stop the final transformation of the country into a nomenclature-bureaucratic corporation. Replacing politics with civic activism leads the protest movement to a standstill, replacing effective actions with sporadic outbursts of protest leads to closing in a subculture, escalating an atmosphere of fear, hatred, thirst for revenge, dividing the country into “them” and “us”, “us” and “strangers” (see “Activism and Politics”, October 2019). The authorities have long learned to use all this as a tool for managing public reactions and public opinion.


In addition, realising what times are coming, seeing how decisively the initiator of the hybrid constitutional coup intends to fulfill his plan and suppress opponents, many fear for their personal comfort. This situation is not new. The Russian elites have already “swallowed” the criminal privatisation of the 1990s, the criminal second Chechen war, the extension of the presidential term to six years, the annexation of Crimea, and the bloodshed in Donbass, and the war in Syria (see “We did something wrong to the whole country”, February 2020).


Now Putin is paving the way for the creation of a totalitarian state in Russia.


This must be resisted be means of using all the opportunities available to us (an alternative package of amendments has already been sent to the State Duma, regional legislative assemblies and the President). However, effective resistance is possible only through the recognition by the active part of society of the need to engage in politics. Our goal is not to fight for a “place in the sun” in Putin’s mafia-corporate system, but to prevent the institutional consolidation of this system. Our goal is to build a modern democratic law-governed state, that is accountable to and controlled by the Russian people and governed by law and justice in place of the Putin system.