Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Grigory Yavlinsky: “Liquidation of the Memorial human rights society will be Vladimir Putin’s personal decision”

Grigory Yavlinsky’s web-site, 15.11.2021

Photo: Russian President Vladimir Putin at the opening of the Wall of Grief – a monument in memory of the victims of political repression in the USSR. Moscow, October 30, 2017. Putin recalled that “the repression spared neither talent, nor service to the motherland, nor sincere devotion to it.” // REUTERS / Alexander Nemenov / Pool

A submission on the liquidation of the International [human rights] Society Memorial was sent to the Supreme Court of Russia. The formal pretext for this looks deliberately contrived: the absence of a “foreign agent” label in the materials of an organisation with a large number of branches and a huge document flow, which has been encountered for a long period, cannot be the basis for such a decision.

The point is different. It is unacceptable for the authorities of modern Russia that Memorial in its activities speaks the truth about the security and law enforcement structures of the USSR, declaring them criminal in a number of cases, and condemns the repressive periods of the Soviet politics. It is unacceptable for them that Memorial’s lawyers represent in international structures the citizens who have failed to achieve justice on the basis of the domestic law enforcement of the Russian Federation, thereby pointing to the repressive nature of the current government.


The destruction of Memorial will mean a return to the practices of applying the Soviet Criminal Code and such its political articles as “anti-Soviet propaganda” and “slander against the Soviet social system”.


What is happening is absolutely not accidental.


After the fall of the communist system in Russia in the 1990s, no assessment was given to the crimes of Bolshevism and Stalinism at the public-state and legal-judicial level. Society has done virtually nothing so that to hear Memorial and prevent the danger of a return to the totalitarian model of governing the country. Thus, there was taken the first step towards abandoning the historical memory.


And already in 2000, Vladimir Putin, a man who was the flesh of the Bolshevik system, was brought to power, under enthusiastic shouts “Sergei Kiriyenko to the Duma, and Vladimir Putin to the presidency!” [Sergei Kiriyenko, a former co-Chair of the Union of Right-Wing Forces (SPS) political party, is now First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration] by the supporters of the Union of Right-Wing Forces and noisy representatives of the post-Soviet intelligentsia, the so-called liberals, and when ignoring the more than reasonable opinion of Memorial. This was already a contempt for the national historical memory.


By 2018, political repression was already in full swing in the country, Russia annexed Crimea and waged a hybrid war against Ukraine. Memorial took a firm stance on the unacceptability of this policy. However, in the presidential elections [of 2018], a significant part of the “the liberals on record” supported Putin’s nominee Ksenia Sobchak (stepping on the same rake as in 2012 when voting for [oligarch] Mikhail Prokhorov [picturing him as a “liberal” presidential candidate]), thereby indirectly expressing support for Putin’s policies. This was not merely a rejection of memory, it was a rejection of connection with reality.


In September 2021, the Communists increased their representation in the elections to the State Duma. With the help of the so-called Smart Voting [vote for any party with high ranking, including all the pro-Putin parties, but for the ruling United Russia], which was driven by numerous representatives of the post-Soviet intelligentsia, a loud campaign was held in the country for the communists, Stalinists, and Prilepin’s militants. As a result, the impact of their ideas turned out to be much more tangible than before. Thus, the authorities received a signal that intensification of repression was acceptable to society and that they would not meet a meaningful response, since even those who were supposed to defend the common sense, abandoned the remnants of it.


Certainly, they have been trying to press on Memorial before. But it was the mass campaigning for the communists on the Smart Voting list by the noisy part of the politically active intelligentsia and the support of the communists by those who often speak on behalf of Memorial’s initiatives that gave the Kremlin carte blanche – to make a decision and fulfill the long-standing and very persistent desire of the Communist Party to liquidate the organisation engaged in the historical memory of the consequences of the coup d’etat of 1917, eradicate the very memory of the crimes of Bolshevism and Stalinism, the crimes of the civil war, the GULAG, the political terror of the state, and millions of innocent victims who were shot and tortured.


International Memorial has existed for four decades; it is one of the backbone organisations in Russia and the entire former USSR. Its destruction will mean a new qualitative step in the reactionary change of the entire social-and-political system of our country. There is no doubt that the final decision to liquidate such an organisation will be made personally by Russian President Vladimir Putin, who will bear personal political responsibility for this.


It is well-known that during the First World War and on the eve of Second World War such a form of leisure as salon talks was widespread in Western Europe: writers and publicists, artists and actors, lawyers and doctors very fervently criticised, for example, the order in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and without the slightest understanding of the matter with an intelligent air talked about politics, not realising the threat of the advancing fascism. They just allowed themselves to chat about politics and were not particularly worried about their future, because they believed that, thanks to their talents and professional skills, they would be able to arrange life under any government, or, in extreme cases, they would be able to move to another country. But these people, many of whom were really talented and truly successful, could not imagine what would happen to all of Europe and personally to them in a few years…


On 4 November, Putin delivered a speech at the monument to the end of the Russian civil war, erected in Sevastopol [Crimea] in April this year. Instead of public awareness and comprehension, attempts to understand the tragedy that happened more than a hundred years ago, he simply announced that everything was over. In fact, this is the assertion of victorious Bolshevism as an uncontested continuation of the history of Russia, with which everyone must agree as a given and inevitable. The falsification of history and, virtually, the ban on the study of the dark past give every reason to believe that we will face difficult times and a painful future.


I express my full solidarity and full support to the Memorial International Society.




Grigory Yavlinsky

is Chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO, Vice President of Liberal International, PhD in Economics, Professor of the National Research University Higher School of Economics.