Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Boris Vishnevsky: They wanted to get a “holiday of nullification” – but they got an obvious disgrace

Boris Vishnevsky’s blog post, 2.07.2020

The main result of the caricatured “nationwide vote” is directly opposite to what the Kremlin intended.

The indicators of the allegedly unanimous support of the “amendments to the Constitution” that are joyfully broadcasted by the Central electoral Commission do not matter. The fact that it would be announced that there would be, roughly, 75 per cent “for” and 25 per cent “against”, was clear back in March. Without any “voting”.

However, they wanted to get a “holiday of nullification”, a triumphal plebiscite, demonstration of popular support for Putin — but they got an obvious disgrace.

No matter how hard the Central Electoral Commission tries with all its electoral vertical, no matter how state propagandists jump out of their skin, no matter how entourage senators and deputies dance with joy, – the helpfully drawn figures enter into such a glaring discrepancy with the reality that they become the most important factor in the country’s further development.


There is absolutely no confidence in these numbers.


No wonder the Levada Centre poll (25 per cent support for Putin’s amendments versus 28 per cent support for Yabloko’s amendments) and polls conducted on July 1 at polling stations show that Putin’s proposals were losing.


This is clear to many people without any sociology – just according to the mood of friends and acquaintances.


It is obvious that Putin’s amendments were mostly voted on coercion (and even, I think, not everyone who was urged to vote early supported the amendments – their ballots were simply replaced and then also a considerable portion of [“correctly ticked ballots”] was stuffed).


It is obvious that with semi-empty lists of voters in the polling stations – which is fixed not only by members of the electoral commissions from the opposition, but also by those who came to vote – they officially draw the turnout at 70 per cent.


It is obvious that Putin no longer has the majority support – what has been defending him for many years and gave him reason to do whatever he wanted.


The presidential, the State Duma, and the gubernatorial elections were dishonest and unfair – but the rigging was nevertheless “quantitative”. Only in separate cases it qualitatively affected the result.


Now the situation is fundamentally different: there is a qualitative discrepancy between what there actually is and what is offered to believe in.


True, it is unlikely that what has happened will immediately provoke mass protests.


Just because so many people today keep the constitutional changes on the periphery of their personal attention. They have other concerns: three months without work and money, collapsed life plans, the uncertainty of the future…


At the same time, on the one hand, they do not believe that pensions will begin to grow by changing the Constitution or affordable medicine will appear. On the other hand, they are certain that the Constitution will not affect their lives in any way: does it matter what was written there before – and was not implemented nevertheless?


As for Putin, they are certain that he will do everything in order not to leave the post even without changing the Constitution and the “nullification” of his presidential terms. And if he leaves, it will happen not at all because it will be prescribed for him by the Constitution …


Nevertheless, the farcical nature of what has happened – and, first of all, of the “reset” [of the presidential terms] – is so great that it leads to a situation called the loss of legitimacy.


When the government formally exists and makes decisions, but its right to govern ceases to be recognised. When they stop respecting it. And stop believing it.


Then tectonic shifts begin – no matter what ratings or results of plebiscites were recorded before.


Recollect the situation with the 1991 referendum on the preservation of the USSR — and we should note here that it was completely lawful (in contrast to the current action). Nine months later, it was forgotten and cast away – and where did all those 78% who voted in favour disappear? Who of them came out to defend their will? No one. How 18 million members of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union vanished in the air after the ban of the Communist Party…


The same is with the current amendments to the Constitution: as soon as real changes begin, the first independent court or the first freely elected parliament will cancel them with one click.


Yes, apparently, the Kremlin believes that they will do well without trust: on the principle of “let them not believe, if only they obey”.


But practice shows that when people do not believe the government, –  in the end, people cease obeying it.


And the government has to leave.


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is Deputy Chairman of the Yabloko party, member of Yabloko’s Federal Political Committee and head of the Yabloko faction in the St.Petersburg Legislative Assembly