Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Grigory Yavlinsky: “Someone must honestly say what he thinks”

Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview, 16.09.2022

Photo: Grigory Yavlinsky at the launch of his book “Russia-2022: Underlying Causes. Why and how did a political system appear which has resulted in the events on 24 February, 2022”, 10 September, 2022. Photo by the Yabloko Press Service

Here we publish Grigory Yavlinsky’s commentaries on how Russia came to 24 February, 2022, why the special operation was inevitable and what role the international community played in this. Based on unpublished interviews given by the leader of the Yabloko party to Russian and foreign journalists in the recent months.

Question: Did democracy in Russia finally die on 24 February, 2022?


Grigory Yavlinsky: Democracy, virtually, did not emerge in Russia. There were literally several years when, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, they tried to do something in this direction, but real democracy did not appear in our country.


It is important to understand that what is happening now is the product of the system created in Russia after 1991. In this system, there was a merger of power and business, power and property. This is called the “oligarchic corporate system”. This was done through criminal loans-for-shares auctions, as well as through other, smaller forms of privatisation. As a result, there was created a system categorically denying independent judiciary, independent press, an independent parliament, independent public organisations and a regular change of power. Therefore, such a system selects a leader who will maintain it as long as possible. It was such system that was built during the reforms of the 1990s.


Question: Yes, but in the late 1980s, thanks to Gorbachev’s perestroika, Russia seemed to have entered the path of democratic change. How did such a sharp reversal come about?


Grigory Yavlinsky: This happened because President Yeltsin decided to implement the “Washington Consensus” plan in Russia, which was not suitable for reforms in the former Soviet Union. As a result of this erroneous choice, inflation was 2,600% already in 1992, which means that all people were simply robbed – absolutely all savings were confiscated within a year. How, under these conditions, when people had no money left at all, could privatisation be carried out? Only by criminal means. That is how the government operated. That is how the foundation of the oligarchic corporate semi-criminal system was laid. Everything that you see today is the result of the creation of such a system.


And further, in the early 2000s, oil and gas prices rose, and economic hallucinations arose in the Kremlin that something else could be built in such a system. However, in reality, it is impossible to create anything positive in the oligarchic system, and the combination of the oligarchy with natural resources closes the issue of serious breakthroughs in the development and implementation of the country’s own new technologies, improvement in the organisation and functioning of the state, and modern development in general.


Question: Returning to the special operation, do you think that taking into account all the prerequisites, it was inevitable?


Grigory Yavlinsky: Yes, it was decided a long time ago. This was discussed at a conference in Munich in 2007. In fact, everything was already announced and done in this direction in 2014 – then there were already [the developments in] Crimea and Donbass.


In 2021, Putin wrote an article where he was absolutely unambiguous about his intentions. In addition, there was already Chechnya, there was Georgia, and there was Syria. Only the blind could not see what was happening.


Question:  In the late 1980s, both Russia and the whole world had completely different prospects. The Soviet Union became more open, the Cold War ended, and the fear of a full-scale war was gone. But three decades later, we still came to a real large-scale armed conflict in the centre of Europe, and the threat of an even greater escalation. Can we say that the changes in relations between Russia and the world thirty years ago were in vain?


Grigory Yavlinsky: No, they were not in vain, but, unfortunately, they did not receive a vitally important consolidation or continuation. Neither the idea of ​​a “Greater Europe”, nor the idea of ​​building a new international political configuration, nor the economic advantages of globalisation (the new opportunities and resources of which had to be used to support poor countries), nor the idea of ​​creating a new format of the European Union, which would include Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, and Moldova – none of this was implemented. Although it was the changes of the late 1980s, the end of the Cold War and the liberation of Russia and the whole world from an absolutely destructive confrontation that provided all the opportunities for moving in this direction.


In the same way, by the way, there was no new NATO configuration that could answer the question of what Russia’s place in the system of international strategic security was. Putin, on the other hand, proposed joint missile defense – but the West did not react at all. Putin once even spoke about the possibility of interaction between Russia and NATO – and there was no reaction to this. Putin has repeatedly voiced the concept of “Greater Europe” from Lisbon to Vladivostok. Has anyone taken a step forward?


Question: But why, in your opinion, all this was not implemented? Such beautiful, understandable, humane ideas. Why didn’t this happen? The world was not ready? What was the reason?


Grigory Yavlinsky: [The reason lies] in the low quality of world politics and, most importantly, the low quality of world politicians. It was necessary to deal with these issues, rather than arrange a senseless war in Iraq. It was necessary to do this, rather than spend billions of dollars in vain so that to escape from Afghanistan later. That’s it. What else is there to add?


Question: If you allow, I will return to the special operation against Ukraine, which has been going on for more than six months. When can it end? How and where can it end?


Grigory Yavlinsky: Now there will be no end to it. Look, India and Pakistan have been dividing Kashmir since 1947. Israelis and Palestinians have also been in conflict for 75 years. Cyprus has been divided in two parts since 1960. Well, at the moment, thank God, they are not fighting in Cyprus. But there is no end in sight to all these territorial confrontations. Just recollect acute conflicts over territories, up to bloody wars between France and Germany that lasted more than 150 years, until the European Union appeared.


Question: It turns out that what is happening in Ukraine is impossible to finish?


Grigory Yavlinsky: Not yet. But it [the war] should not have been started! However, a tragedy happened, and now it is for a long time. There will probably be stops, breaks… Look, in 1997, at the end of the First Chechen War, [then head of Chechnya] Maskhadov flies to Moscow and signs an agreement with Yeltsin. But two years later, a new war begins… So there may be breaks, but the prospects are very bad.


Question: Does Russia have resources for a long-term confrontation? Almost the whole world are on the side of Ukraine today and render it corresponding support, but where will Russia get the resources?


Grigory Yavlinsky: Russia has unlimited resources in the long run. There is a very common and tragic expression here “we will pay any price for it”. And that’s it.


Question: Your Yabloko party participated in the municipal elections this Fall in the absence of democratic institutions, against the background of the ongoing special operation and repressions. Why are you doing this and what do you expect?


Grigory Yavlinsky: Today we need to talk to people, explain what happened to the country, show where we are going. During an election campaign, our candidates have the opportunity to go from house to house and tell that there is such a stance that now is not the time to cultivate flower beds, build bike paths and install benches. This must be done, but this is not the main thing now.


Now we need to seek a ceasefire in Ukraine. We need to stop shooting, we need to stop killing people. People need to be told all this.


And if they support such a stance, [we must] convince them to vote for this stance. This is what our work is today, this is politics.


Question: But now it is extremely dangerous to voice such a stance in Russia. The authorities initiate criminal cases, people receive real prison terms for anti-war statements. Do Yabloko candidates running their campaigns under such conditions understand these risks?


Grigory Yavlinsky: Yes, everyone understands everything perfectly. But someone has to do it. Someone must honestly speak about what he thinks. Someone has to tell the truth.