Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support





Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Boris Vishnevsky: In the atmosphere of military hysteria. Why the Kremlin is pumping the society with militarism and what the elections have to do with it

Novaya Gazeta, 13.04.2021

Photo by olegkozyrev/depositphotos

Dmitry Peskov’s [Vladimir Putin’s Press Secretary] statements that Russia “is not going to move” towards war with Ukraine, but “will not remain indifferent to the fate of Russian speakers who live in the southeast of the country” are not a sign of abandoning the planned scenario, but represent another bundle of firewood laid into the fire of war, which could flare up at any moment.

It is necessary not to let it burst out: both because the consequences will be dire, and because, as has happened more than once, this will mean the onset of a period of terrible reaction.


That is why the anti-war topic is again becoming a key issue on the opposition agenda. This is what is most important.


The prepared fire has long been generously poured with gasoline, such as the statements of President Vladimir Putin about “Russian lands and traditional historical territories” allegedly “donated” to the former Soviet republics that they should have returned when leaving the USSR.


Such as the promises of Dmitry Kozak, deputy head of the Presidential Administration: alleging that Russia could rally to the “defence” of the citizens of Donbass.


And such as the groans by state propagandists: for example, Margarita Simonyan [head of RT] (“Mother Russia, take Donbass home”, which allegedly “the overwhelming majority of people in Russia and, perhaps, all the people who remained in Donbass” want) or Vladimir Solovyov [one of the key journalists and TV persons engaged in the state propaganda] (“Today Ukraine is an absolute evil that we cannot allow to exist”).


First, no one authorised the Russian authorities to “protect the citizens of Donbass”, because they are citizens of a foreign country.


Second, Donbass has never been a part of Russia (it was not part of the RSFSR – the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic [back in Soviet times]): it was invariably a part of Ukraine throughout the whole Soviet period. And, by the way, 84% of voters in the Donetsk region voted in the 1991 referendum for the independence of Ukraine within its internationally recognised borders (and also for the fact that its territory is “indivisible and inviolable”).


And third, according to the 2001 census, 57% of Ukrainians and 38% of Russians lived in the Donetsk region. It does not look like “Mother Russia”, does it?


As for the “danger” that allegedly Russians living in Donbass are facing and from which it is necessary to “protect” them, it is nothing more than a propaganda myth.


For some reason, there is no such danger (otherwise they would have been yelling about such facts in the studio of the same Vladimir Solovyov 24 hours a day) throughout the rest of Ukraine. Nobody is persecuting people who speak Russian, neither in Slavyansk (after the Strelkov-Girkin fighters were expelled from there), nor in Kyiv, nor in Lvov, nor in Uzhgorod…


Nevertheless, [Vladimir Putin’s Press Secretary] Dmitry Peskov declares that “next to us there is a country, the leadership of which, we can not rule this out, may again consider it possible to solve the domestic problem by force”.


This is said by the Press Secretary of the head of state, who twice – in 1994, and then in 1999 – just solved the “domestic problem by force” in Chechnya. Declaring that what was happening there was our internal affair, in which no one had the right to interfere, and the actions of the federal forces in Chechnya were not at all a war crime, but a valour.


The current rhetoric of the Russian authorities about the allegedly “forced” and only “retaliatory” nature of their possible military actions, accompanied by the cries of political propagandists about NATO approaching the Russian borders, painfully reminds a long familiar thing.


Military aggression was justified in approximately the same way (and any military intervention on the territory of a foreign country without its consent is called an aggression) both before the entry of [Soviet] troops into Hungary in 1956, and before the entry of troops into Czechoslovakia in 1968, and before Afghanistan in 1979. And most recently, in 2008, when the five-day war with Georgia began. Actually, it was then that the “technologies” of future aggression against Ukraine that happened in 2014 were tested. Because when in 2008 the West gave a typically “Munich” response to the aggression against Georgia, it instilled in the Kremlin the confidence that the attempt could be repeated.


It is not unclear which line will prevail in the Russian leadership now: trying to arrange a “small victorious war” or limiting themselves to just saber-rattling and chest-puffing. Since the mechanism for making such decisions is unknown. But taking into account the quite possible unwillingness of the West to “die for Donetsk” (if we paraphrase a well-known phrase), limiting itself to minor sanctions and expressions of deep concern, the first option does not seem at all improbable.


Moreover (I will quote the recent statement of the Yabloko congress made by Lev Shlosberg, Grigory Yavlinsky and Nikolai Rybakov) there is “a direct connection between the militarisation of Russia’s foreign policy with the situation and the political attitudes of the authorities inside the country, and it is in the atmosphere of military hysteria that the Russian authorities intend to conduct a nationwide election campaign”.


It is the State Duma, which will be elected in the fall of 2021, and it will work in 2024, when the presidential elections are due to take place.


And Vladimir Putin himself has just signed a law allowing him to be elected two more times after “resetting” of his presidential terms.


And Valentina Matvienko, Speaker of the Federation Council, is already announcing a meeting of the upper house on 23 April – two days after the presidential address (may it be for the permission for another use of Russian troops abroad?).


We will reiterate: the time is coming again when the anti-war theme should become the main topic of the opposition agenda.


If we can prevent the war, only then there will be a chance for political changes and the release of political prisoners.


Source in Novaya Gazeta



is Deputy Chairman of the Yabloko Party, member of the Yabloko Federal Political Committee and  Bureau. Leader of the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg