Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative, an updated version of 1.03.2019

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues

THE DEMOCRATIC MANIFESTO

YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009

YABLOKO's POLITICAL COMMITTEE DECISIONS:

YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies

 

Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century

 

On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009

 

On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009

 

Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010

 

Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010

 

Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009

 

The 17th Congress of YABLOKO

 

 

 

The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko


The 11th congress of Yabloko


The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support

Archives

SOON!

FOR YOUR INTEREST!

Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura

Realeconomik

The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

Resoulution
On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
www.svobodanews.ru
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

Demodernization
by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000

IT IS IMPORTANT!

 

Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

Resetting the law. Resetting of the Constitution. Resetting of the Constitutional Court

Grigory Yavlinsky’s web-site, 19.03.2020

The situation with coronavirus is certainly serious. But there is no doubt that the mankind and all of us will cope with the pandemic. However, one cannot fail to notice that right now the events that will decisively determine our future are taking place in our country.

There were no illusions about what the Constitutional Court’s conclusion on Putin’s amendments and “zeroing out” [resetting] of the presidential terms would be (11 out of 15 judges, including the Chairman of the Constitutional Court, were appointed to these posts on the proposal of Vladimir Putin). However, it was unlikely that anyone could have imagined that the constitutionality of the rejection of a change of power in Russia would be justified by the fact that there is “developed parliamentarism, a real multi-party system, presence of political competition, an effective model of separation of powers, equipped with a system of checks and balances, and also ensuring rights and freedoms by independent justice, including the activities of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation” in our country today. Such an assessment of the Constitutional Court is either a demonstration of extreme cynicism or a legal absurdity in combination with a profound misunderstanding of reality.

In addition, it turned out that the Constitutional Court proceeds from the priority of political expediency over law and makes decisions on the basis of the principle “the end justifies the means”: “the legislator can take into account the specific historical factors of making the relevant decision, including the degree of threat to the state and society, the state of the political and economic systems, etc.” That is, the Constitutional Court, virtually decides that the head of state can remain in power for as long as necessary if “there are still a lot of vulnerable things… inside the country”, as the President said in his speech in the State Duma. “This also refers to domestic political stability, interethnic and inter-religious harmony, economic and social development,” Putin said then. And this is after 20 years of his continuous rule!

 

It turns out that the unsatisfactory governing of the country, which led to the deplorable “situation in the political and economic systems”, “growing threats to the state and society”, and “so on” (literally this is a quote from the conclusion), is a “concrete historical factor in the adoption of an appropriate decision” on the refusal of a change of power in Russia. That is, according to the judges of the Constitutional Court, the worse the results of the governing are, the longer the unhappy ruler has the right to stay in power.

 

In addition, it is in the Constitutional Court’s justification for this amendment that the “popular vote” emerges, which, it turns out, “gives additional constitutional legitimacy to the relevant decision”. “Additional constitutional legitimacy” is like “sturgeon of the second freshness”. But, most importantly, the Constitutional Court gives the unconstitutional plebiscite (Yabloko challenged the Supreme Court’s decree on voting on constitutional amendments in the Supreme Court) to establish constitutional legitimacy. This despite the fact that the organisers of the “resetting” deliberately ignored the need for a constitutional referendum. Thus, the authorities can organise a plebiscite at their discretion and at any time and issue with its help any decision that will now be declared a priority in relation to all other laws.

 

As for the preservation of one person in power, the confirmation of the authority of the “father of the nation”, as was already the case in the plebiscite – presidential elections of 2018, can persist, judging by the conclusion of the Constitutional Court, not only until 2036, but endlessly. “The constitutional principle of democracy means the possibility of the people exercising their right to elect in free elections the person whom it considers most worthy of the head of state post,” the judges of the Constitutional Court wrote.

 

These provisions in the 52-page document of the Constitutional Court are they key and clearly demonstrating the direction of thinking and the level of understanding of problems. In general, the logic of the judges of the Constitutional Court is absolutely Orwellian: “War is peace. Freedom is slavery. Ignorance is strength”.

 

As a result, what happened in the Constitutional Court became significant: Putin’s illegal amendments and “nullification” were also supplemented by an unlawful decision of the main judicial body on constitutional control. The thesis that Putin’s changing of the Constitution is accompanied by the final discredit of the entire state system that is deliberately involved in this process is confirmed (see Putin’s amendments and “zeroing” are unlawful, March 2020). In fact, self-liquidation of Russian statehood is taking place before our eyes.

 

That is why the decision of the Constitutional Court was made in camera, in a hurry and secretly: no one heard the discussion, the ratio of the votes [ore and contra] of the judges was not made public. Nothing is known about their positions (if they were expressed at all). At the same time, member of the Constitutional Court Konstantin Aranovsky, who had expressed a special opinion about the succession of Russia and the USSR shortly before that, did not participate in the procedure (Chairman of the Constitutional Court Zorkin said that Aranovsky was “on a sick leave”). Accordingly, his dissenting opinion was gone this time.

 

I do not know if they are ashamed to be involved in this disgrace. Obviously, these people are guided by a resigned slavish understanding that despite legal, moral, and any other obstacles, Putin and his ideas about the state will dominate in Russia in the foreseeable perspective. They know that without Putin’s consent they won’t be part of the Constitutional Court, that with such “independent justice” they would not even receive a status pension. These people are scared. It was fear (certainly, not for the country, but for themselves and their privileges) that made them sign this shameful conclusion.

 

So, the marathon on the collapse of statehood, law and justice is almost complete. The conclusion of the Constitutional Court nullified the Constitution and the Russian legal system as a whole. A decree on a plebiscite is signed, and it will consolidate this collapse. After the “nullification” of the Constitution and law is confirmed by a “popular” vote, absolutely everything will be possible in Russia, but not for all.

 

PS .: The Constitutional Court completely ignored the Federal Law No. 33-FZ “On the Procedure for Adopting and Entering into Force of Amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation” of March 4, 1998, which is the main (special) legislative act adopted in the development of Article 136 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Accordingly, the Constitutional Court turned a blind eye to the unconstitutionality of the amendment procedure.

 

Grigory Yavlinsky

Is Chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO, Vice President of Liberal International, PhD in Economics, Professor of the National Research University Higher School of Economics.