|
2.2. Social Policies
Modern
social policy of the center
[previous] [CONTENTS]
[next]
A qualitatively new composition of society
in the social sphere shows that above all today, one cannot
examine the social policy of the center as something united,
having its own institutions, its mechanisms of realization,
its resources, definite logic and goals. It found its own
autonomous forms of existence in view
of the actions of the federal administration, definite actions
of local organs of power and, finally, forms of social welfare
from separate families and citizens; it is impressive that
all these
forms came into being relatively autonomously,
forming a
spontaneous and contradictory system of self-survival. The
perspectives of social protection are just as varied.
Activities of the federal administration.
One may
ascertain that the consummation of the first stage of
financial stability in the social sphere had a highly
concrete result: The destruction of the old government
welfare system and practically full loss of control on the
part of the administration over the reversibility of the
processes in these spheres.
Attempts to establish "social support"
for the public as
before return to a closed circle of the necessity of the
next stage of financial stabilization and inevitability
of
additional momentary injections in the social sphere,
however in view of the minimum pay, transfers reaction to
demands of striking committees and the pressures of
different regions. The basic peculiarities of the Russian
administration in the social sphere can be described by
several characteristics: Exclusivity, inconsistency,
compensatory character, and orientation toward monetary
forms of supporting the public, and reaction, as a rule,
to
things that have already happened, i.e., a passive,
subordinate character. Here we get a closed circle, the
rupturing of which in the framework of the old methods of
distribution process is impossible. However the center
continues to live with the illusion of this exclusive
mission and reinforced mutual understanding and support
of
the population.
Actions of the local organs of power. The
basic gravity of supporting the still-functioning system
of social welfare lies in the local organs of power. The
obligation of guaranteeing the territory basic food products,
medications, heat and extra cash for the paying of wages
and pensions, the easing of unemployment and the protection
of free health care and education, albeit a minimum level.
This generous
[up]
relegation of the center came with practically
no
underpinning support of either finances or other resources.
The potential of local powers in the areas of autonomous
social policy considering the current predicament in these
spheres is not very great. The ability to manoeuvre in
conditions of high inflation and a decline in production
is
minimal. Even attempts to check the fall in the standard
of
living of the general population in the territory demands
significant efforts on the part of the local governments
and
runs into serious limitations.
Forms of self-guarantees of the public.
The disorientation felt by a large portion of the population
gives rise to the simple understanding that the former system
of state social welfare is practically
destroyed, while conditions for a new system are not yet
created. The loss of old reference points, disorientation,
alienation, and an austere economic regime for many groups
of the population is slowly giving rise to a situation of
self-survival, frequently tied to an exit from the state
sector. The use of supplementary nongovernmental, and occasionally
illegal, sources of existence has always been typical for
our people. This was a second system of social guarantees.
Today, such a system is becoming the prime system for many
strata of society. This system has its own rules. If you
consider that we have an issue with the public in its massive
poverty, inasmuch as this "Reform administration"
forcefully laid upon it the costs of stabilization, then
one can perhaps foresee the austerity and destruction of
the "shadow" economy.
Conclusion: the situation being created
now is highly
dangerous in its uncontrolled nature and multidirectional
interests which it attracts. We are speaking not about
isolated strata, groups and territories. We are discussing
the majority of the population living in Russia. There is
nothing left for the administration to distribute between
individuals (vouchers are the latest contribution to welfare
increase). Local powers will also soon exhaust their
possibilities. Gradually a spontaneous redistribution
of
functions among social partners is beginning: the
government, local powers, enterprises, trade unions and
individual citizens. But this is a long and excruciating
process. The situation is already rapidly getting worse.
Already by 1993, the population will know the fact of
massive unemployment, a rapid depreciation in wages, without
which it is impossible to heal the sick and educate
children. In such a society there cannot be agreement, there
is not even a future.
Such a prognosis is fully realistic should
the current
policies continue, should there be no appearance of
political will and wisdom in order not only to break apart
the system, but to bring into existence something new which
will help begin to rebuild.
What must be done to break from this hopeless
situation
to one of hope?
A manoeuvre by the center toward a social
policy is vital.
The crux of the policy must be a mix of the most basic
functions of a social welfare system and the instruments
for
their realization, plus the financial resources at a
regional level.
The transfer of the center of gravity of
the most difficult social policy question to local organs
of power is in a certain sense natural. Decentralization
of this system of social welfare of the population promotes
the augmentation of its targeting, i.e., its orientation
toward the demands of concrete groups, and differently used
instruments of social policy depending on chosen orientations,priorities
and specific territories. That raises
its efficiency. The redistribution of functions among local
organs of power, different social organizations of workers,
and the financial sources of the social programs play a
role in the
realization of a working normative base.
All this implies a well thought out consistent policy and
the availability of time.
[up]
However, until now the central power practically
has been
merely throwing these social functions down to the local
level. The local powers are not prepared to accept the full
volume of these functions as they are connected with the
population, social stability of each region, and in the
final tally, with the political stability of each region.
They are beginning to look for any way out of the current
situation; from a full refusal of the social programs to
unprepared forms of social protection with the necessary
financial resources. Regional social policies, instead of
specifically directed and goal oriented ones, acquire
spontaneous characteristics. The government social policy
as
a way of realizing the entire interests of the nation, and
the preservation of its integrity of its socio-cultural
traditions is not being formed. All the same, the worsening
situation gives witness to two qualitatively new events.
First, there is becoming felt a limit to the regional
capacity for social policy, and this correspondingly traces
out its contours at the federal level. Secondly, local
organs are working and establishing their own models of
regional social policies and their own mechanisms depending
on the peculiarities of each region.
A conscientious organized redistribution
of social functions
between federal and local powers means the beginning of
a
dialog between the center and the representatives of the
regions regarding the spheres and forms of their
cooperation. At the the base of this process must lie a
policy of social agreement. The subjects of such an
agreement might be:
-- Problems in the formation of a single
labor market, including federal laws in the matter and the
decisions of the administration of the plan to convert defence
branchesand state enterprises, and
mechanisms of regulating internal and interregional migration.
-- The division of power of the center and
local powers in the area of regulating incomes, including
the limits to the regulation of wages, the creation of a
minimum wage level, and a mechanism for indexation of wage
pensions and benefits.
-- The demarcation of free social programs
in the area of health care, education and social services.
-- The articulation of protection of items
in federal and local budgets, tied to financing for the
social sphere.
-- The formation of federal reserves on
the most important programs and mechanisms of control and
disposal of them.
Reconsidered directions can be added to
and clarified
depending upon the interests of the regions and the
peculiarities of the specific instances. The important
policy task of the center is to interrupt the spontaneity
of
the process, and bring in organized controls.
The important conditions for the continuity
of this dialog, and accordingly the policy of the center,
is the legal and financial formation of achieved agreements.
That means:
-- The transfer of resources to localities
along with new responsibilities.
-- The sharing of expenses according to
items in federal and local budgets.
--Clarification in the matter of diversion
of functions in the sphere of federal taxes for social programs
and reorientation to local social programs.
It is possible that with the purpose of
speeding up the
creation of standard bases and the development of
institutions and the increase in the activities of federal
administration, it is expedient to grant it the right to
make decisions, in spheres such as the legal regulation,
before the actual manifestation of the appropriate law.
Thus, it is possible, and in our eyes vitally
important,
that the center take steps to create a new social policy.
But for that, one must accept what is happening.
[up]
[previous] [CONTENTS]
[next]
|
