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Galina Mikhalyova: 'If Medvedev Is in Favour of Democracy, YABLOKO Will Support Medvedev

Svobodnaya Pressa

www.svpressa.ru

January 15, 2009

Seven political parties shared with the President their concepts of changing the political system in Russia.

Andrei Polunin’s interview with Galina Mikhaylovna Mikhalyova, Doctor of Philosophy, Director of Center for Contemporary Politics Research, and Executive Secretary of the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party

 

On the threashold of Political Council meeting on political reform sheduled on January 22, the Kremlin received seven draft programmes for reform from all the parties. The reader may recall that the Communists asked Dmitry Medvedev to hold this State Council meeting during their meeting with him after the parliamentary opposition's demarche and announcement that October elections were fraudulent. The parties' proposals will become the basis of a report to be presented at the State Council meeting by Kaliningrad Oblast Governor Georgy Boos, the head of the working group. Doctor of Philosophy Galina Mikhalyova, Director of the Center for Contemporary Politics Research and Executive Secretary of the YABLOKO Party's Political Committee, talked about what the parties want from the President.

SVP: Galina Mikhaylovna, experts have already remarked that all of the Russian political parties are displaying extraordinary unanimity, judging by the reform strategies they submitted. They like the ideas the President set forth in his Address to the Federal Assembly. Why are they in agreement for the first time?

Mikhalyova: If someone says Russia needs modernisation and democratisation, why should not we support him? If Medvedev says this, why should YABLOKO as an opposition party say that he is wrong? Our proposals are connected precisely with the steps targeted at strengthening of the principles of democracy in our country, returning to our initial point, when we had gubernatorial elections and Federation Council elections, and changing the principles of the electoral and the party systems. There was a serious crackdown in these areas when Putin was President. This applies to freedom of the press and guaranteed TV air time for all the parties. In other words, democratic institutions must be strengthened, and the institutional framework for this must be established.

SVP: Can you be a little more specific about how the legislation pertaining to parties should be changed?

Mikhalyova: The requirement to minimum party membership should be changed. In many countries, ten members are enough for registration of a party. After that, it can back its own election candidates and win elections. Here, on the other hand, we have to muster 50,000 members, and we have to adhere to a standard regional breakdown. This is quite difficult and it can put obstacles to emergence of new parties. Only think about this: we have only seven parties now, but once we had more than 40 parties. Furthermore, not a single new party has been registered for the recent years. This narrows the political field and limits competition. It means the new interests of various social groups are not represented.

In addition to this, collection of signatures should be abolished for elections. The present parties already have enough members to prove that they are strong. The requirement of collection of signatures has been simply fostering corruption. Certainly changes are also needed as far as activities of electoral commissions are concerned. The applying of administrative pressure on electoral commission should be stopped, and this also requires restoration of public organizations’ right to observe elections.

SVP: What proposals made by other parties seem reasonable to you and what not?

Mikhalyova: We support everything within the same trend as our proposals. The CPRF, for example, had proposals about observing elections and access to television and press. They coincided with our own views and are correct.

SVP: Nikolay Levichev, leader of the Just Russia party, proposed transparent ballot boxes and video control.

Mikhalyova: Those are secondary measures, believe me. Transparent ballot boxes certainly are better than non-transparent, but it is possible to stuff in 200 extra ballots even into a transparent ballot box. It is even easier to change the results of the voting in the territorial commission. It is not ballot boxes that constitute a major problem.

SVP: He also said that the Imperiali quota should be replaced with the Hare quota (Ed. the Imperiali method of counting votes gives more seats to the party winning the election; whereas the Hare quota envisages a minimum number of votes required for each mandate.)...

Mikhalyova: The Imperiali system is discriminatory, of course, because it works in favour of the election winner. We have to return to the Hare system. It is more transparent and unbiased.

SVP: As far as I understand it, YABLOKO is proposing that a party should lose its mandates if ten per cent of the candidates listed on the party ticket give up those seats (Ed. The so-called “locomotives”). Is this an attempt to eliminate the "locomotives"?

Mikhalyova: That is our principled point of view. The "locomotives" clearly represent a way to deceive voters and is therefore an outrageous practice.

SVP: The LDPR party worries about the voter turnout. Thus, Igor Lebedev, head of the LDPR faction in the State Duma, said, "The right to vote could become a civil duty in our country. In some countries, it is treated as a constitutional duty, so we would not invent anything new here." Furthermore, the LDPR proposals suggest that voters should be fined for neglecting their civil duty by RUR 3,000. What do you think of that proposal?

Mikhalyova: A citizen of our country has already been pressured from all the sides. Why does he choose not to vote? Because he does not believe that his vote can count and influence anything. Furthermore, judging by the recent election, voters have the reasons to feel this way. The important thing for people is to see that their votes do have an impact [on the situation]. That is the goal of all our proposals.

SVP: The CPRF believes that "public messages and regulatory documents informing the Ministry of Internal Affairs personnel of their functions during the campaign and on the election day" are needed, and complains about the actions of law enforcement bodies during public demonstrations. Do you agree with the Communists?

Mikhalyova: They are right. Our police played an active role in the recent election campaign in Moscow, however, they never did this in the past. They hindered the work of observers, for example, and carried some of them, along with the chairs they were sitting in, out of the voting stations. The law enforcement agencies are supposed to maintain law and order during elections, of course, but they certainly are not supposed to become involved in the election campaign. When we were collecting signatures for the recent elections, for example, our volunteers were constantly arrested and taken to the police. The police were preventing us from conducting our election campaign.

SVP: But the police are not the bad guys, after all. They were ordered to do this. Furthermore, it is difficult to describe the elections in the period since Yeltsin became President as elections. Do you agree?

Mikhalyova: That is why we do not accept the results of the Moscow election and we believe it was illegitimate. As for the police, you are not completely right. Because of the structure of our law enforcement system, a message from the top does not always reach the lower level. In the case of the Moscow election, how did we get our volunteers collecting signatures out of trouble? We telephoned the municipal duty officer, he called his boss, and they were released. This is an insensitive administrative machine.

SVP: Will the proposals that were handed to President Medvedev make a difference? Can they change the current rules of the game?

Mikhalyova: I do not think they will change them, but a drop of water can wear away a stone if it is persistent. Any change in the present situation, any movement in the direction of liberalization, will help. If our political elite show any inclination, even if only for show, to change the situation in any way, this will hinder further movement towards authoritarianism. This alone will be a good thing. I think one-tenth of the suggestions will be adopted, and everything will turn out the way it is now: a minimum requirement of 45,000 party members instead of 50,000, and one deputy in the State Duma for any party obtaining five percent in the election... These are cosmetic changes and I do not see any political will for a fundamental change. For this reason, if changes do occur, some changes in the elite will probably begin. Then the members of today's elite will lose their positions and their opportunities to acquire property. But even a minor change in the present situation, even a cosmetic change, I repeat, will be a good thing.

 

See also:

the original

Moscow City Duma Elections, 2009

Chairs of local electoral commissions speak in favour of cancellation of the results of the elections in the Veshnyaki area, Moscow. Press Release, December 2, 2009

A trial on the fraud at the electoral districts where over 1,000 votes were stuffed for the United Russia party began. Press Release, November 26, 2009

On non-recognition of the results of the elections of October 11, 2009, and the need to investigate cases of franchise violations. Statement of the Bureau of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO.
October 19, 2009

Election fraud at the Moscow City Duma elections. From the Live Journal of Igor Yakovlev, Press Secretary of the YABLOKO party

Violations at the Moscow City Duma elections. Press Release. October 12, 2009

 

 

 

January 15, 2009