The rearrangement of the political landscape following the latest federal elections has all but created a two-party system in Russia. On the one side you have the fat United Russia: a party sponsored by the Kremlin. On the other, you have remnants of the opposition. The opposition is still prone to internal bickering but unanimous in criticism of the regime. This part of the political system has serious problems with funding. A political party in Russia nowadays is not a money-making opportunity.

This rearrangement has led to a moment of the truth. If funding sources are only available to those considered to be pro-Kremlin, how are the rest supposed to survive? What individual or company, no matter how wealthy, would dare finance opposition parties? Only the citizenry can - that is, as long as the opposition gives it a reason - something that persuades the public to contribute its rubles to the opposition.

The Communist Party (CPRF) is now appealing to the public. The CPRF has released an appeal from the Presidium of the Central Committee to CPRF members and supporters. Signed by Gennadi Zyuganov, the appeal asks for donations. Sponsors no longer want to help the CPRF - not after its recent split. There is a chief sponsor, of course - Rosagropromstroi, the corporation run by Vidmanov the Red Oligarch - but Vidmanov's own financial standing is too shaky nowadays for him to be able to sponsor the CPRF as he did before.

Meanwhile, the "alleged youth movement " v Walking Together, the youth wing of United Russia - is still full of zest. While claiming to be eager to purify society, these young people choose only whatever promotes themselves and serves as a good publicity stunt. Their latest project involves planting articles in newspapers, ostensibly to show the public the price at which journalists can be bought. Walking Together paid between $8,000 and $20,000 per article. The source of their money is never revealed.

In fact, the CPRF is not the only organization with problems. All other non-Kremlin projects are having trouble as well.

"Our party is self-financing now," said Deputy Chairman of the YABLOKO party Sergei Mitrokhin. "We rely on voluntary donations. YABLOKO was forced to switch to this system, as the system of big sponsors is about to become history. All major sponsors demand the Kremlin's permission first. Since we are in opposition, we cannot accept that. So we appeal to society and economic structures as its elements."

Mitrokhin says a proposal from the Central Electoral Commission Chairman Alexander Veshnyakov is quite revealing: Veshnyakov said that party funding must be absolutely transparent. Mitrokhin believes this idea only plays into the hands of the pro-Kremlin parties, and will certainly damage the opposition and independent public organizations. Their sponsors are far too vulnerable to harassment. Mitrokhin says the law and enforcement agencies will never bother with pro-Kremlin parties, but they will scrutinize the opposition.

Boris Nadezhdin from the Political Council of the Union of Right-Wing Forces (SPS) also admits financial problems in the party. "That's understandable," he explained. "The SPS is not in the parliament nowadays, and sponsors are harder to come by. At the same time we promote a number of projects, some of them quite large. We celebrated the Day of the Russian Flag recently and we are fielding candidates in regional elections. Our candidates are on lists in 12 Russian regions. We did get something from the state as well, but that's a pittance. In any case, rumours that the SPS is sponsored by Anatoly Chubais alone bear no resemblance to reality. There are corporate and party leaders among our sponsors. I am one of the latter."

In fact, the tradition of sponsoring political parties has certainly known better days. "Investing in parties is not profitable at all," says Boris Makarenko, senior deputy general director of the Political Techniques Centre. "For two reasons. Firstly, there is not a single bona fide party which is in a more or less proper condition. All parties have been dismantled to some extent. Secondly, investments are usually made to get a party into parliament, but it's four years until the next elections.

Hence the question: why bother? It is clear that United Russia has the majority, and that no decision may be passed against its will. Neither is there any debate within United Russia, because all its decisions are made by the executive branch of government. In the past there was no firm majority in the parliament. Then a majority came into being - it was a majority of four centrist factions, but was a majority that needed persuasion. The authorities could - and did - command United Russia alone. All the rest had to be handled by carrot and stick. Under the circumstances, lobbyists had a field day. After all, that system had loopholes enabling lobbyists to promote whatever they wanted to promote. But there are practically no loopholes nowadays. I wouldn't be surprised to learn that United Russia itself doesn't know where its money is coming from. I don't think it cares, actually."

Makarenko says, however, that United Russia - this state-sponsored monster of a party - is not viable enough to hold out in the long term against the parties that will survive with public support. In other words, society is having to decide whether it wants an opposition at all. If it does, the public will provide. If it doesn't...

Vremya Novostei, August 24, 2004