| "We are against arbitrary rule, Stalinist methods
of managing the country and repressive capitalism. The election programme
of YABLOKO is devoted to the Constitution of the Russian Federation."
The latest in our "Right to Left" series of interviews
with party leaders is this talk with Grigory
Yavlinsky, leader of the Yabloko party.
Goltz: What effect do you think the arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky
has had on the election situation in Russia?
Yavlinsky: I don't want to sound like a know-it-all,
but honestly, there is nothing surprising about all this. Despite what
people have been saying and writing over the past few years, the characteristic
features of the existing system are its unpredictability and instability.
It would be extremely naive to speak of Khodorkovsky's arrest and Putin's
response to it as events that fundamentally change the situation in Russia.
Throughout Russia, the bodies known as the law enforcement agencies
- and the whole justice system - are used for the purpose of legal abuse,
intimidation, suppression, and forcible redistribution of property. Does
anyone really think that until the day of Khodorkovsky's arrest we had
a stable democracy like in Britain?
In the mid-1990s, the foundation of bandit capitalism was laid in Russia.
This system is extremely unstable - because it lacks an independent judiciary,
independent legislative bodies,an independent media, and public oversight
for the special services and law enforcement agencies. Finally, it is
characterized by an organic blending between business and government.
I call this a system of peripheral, or Stalinist, capitalism; since a
model was created in the 1930s where there is no separation of powers,
where all societal institutions were managed "from one room."
In that "room" - call it the Politburo of the Central Committee,
or the presidential administration - all the decisions are made: who should
win an election, who won't even be registered as a candidate, what decision
a court will make in any particular case, and how the Duma should vote.
By the way, it is by no means a requirement for the president to be in
that room.
Goltz: Since nothing about all this has been unexpected
for you, you must have taken all the details into account when planning
your election campaign. What approach will your campaign take?
Yavlinsky: Back in spring, we decided it would be unproductive
to develop a campaign strategy that far ahead, in terms of any specific
slogans or approaches - since there would certainly be some major events
in autumn. So campaign planning has had to be as flexible as possible.
You have seen the billboards on Moscow streets: Yabloko is the party of
liberty, Yabloko is the party of professionals, Yabloko is the party of
principle. I am prepared to subscribe to any of those statements in any
situation, regardless of what may happen.
Now, in the wake of Khodorkovsky's arrest, the theme of our election
campaign has crystallized. We are opposed to arbitrary actions, Stalinist
methods of running the country, and repressive capitalism. Moreover, we
now consider it our duty to emphatically defend the Constitution that
gives Russian citizens civil rights. From now on, Yabloko's policy program
for the election campaign is abiding by the Constitution of the Russian
Federation. Let me repeat: nothing has happened to indicate that any of
the existing system's fundamental principles have been changed. The recent
events are only forcing voters to have another think about whether to
adapt to the system of bandit capitalism. Very many of them will decide
to adapt; but I hope a minority of the more independent citizens will
start fighting to change the system.
Goltz: Your criticism of bandit capitalism and unjust privatization
greatly resembles the rhetoric of the Communists.
Yavlinsky: None of our differences can alter the fact
that we agree on self-evidently true things like the multiplication table
and obvious abuses like the arrest of Khodorkovsky.
Goltz: But aren't you afraid that less attentive voters
might see no difference between Yabloko and the Communist Party?
Yavlinsky: Not in the least. Even if we do agree in
our assessments of the situation in some cases, we always differ decisively
in our views of what ought to be done. For example, while the Communists
support revising privatization results, we support legitimizing those
results immediately.
Goltz: The moves against YUKOS have directly affected Yabloko.
During one search, some papers relating to your campaign were confiscated.
Are you planning to respond to this in any way?
Yavlinsky: We are demanding the return of our documents.
Goltz: Do you view this incident as an attempt to put political
pressure on Yabloko?
Yavlinsky: I view it as an exceptionally difficult
situation for us. I don't think the FSB and the Prosecutor General's Office
had been ordered to crack down on us; but I know for certain that when
the Prosecutor General's Office learned of what was happening, it made
no attempt to stop that search operation.
Goltz: What would your party think, if Mikhail Khodorkovsky
was nominated as a presidential candidate next year?
Yavlinsky: Under the current circumstances, even the
posing of such a question appears like a provocation.
Goltz: But if we follow your reasoning, then as soon as
any liberal party - Yabloko, for example - comes anywhere near being able
to have a real influence on developments, it would immediately be crushed
by the police state.
Yavlinsky: Well, that could happen. But we have no
other option than to gradually put liberal-democratic ideas into practice.
The more people vote for parties with liberal policy programmes, and the
more weight such parties have, the more capable they will be of changing
the situation for the better. This is my country. I didn't choose where
or when to be born. But since I'm here, I have to get as much done as
I can. Then other people will come along to continue the work.
See also:
State Duma elections
2003
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