Francois Bonnet: Do you
share the opinion of the communists that numerous falsifications
occurred during the presidential elections on March 26,
where Vladimir Putin already won in the first round?
Grigory Yavlinsky: Probably,
we have also noted many strange incidents. Our real result
differs greatly from the official figures, as everyone
agrees. Voting was unfortunately rigged, as was the case
in 1993 and 1996. Unfortunately, this discussion about
falsifications is absolutely futile: at present there
is no mechanism in society to investigate and verify such
events, and the international community immediately recognised
the legality of these elections. The official data represent
part of the large-scale manipulations. Who prepares the
political information for the first television channel
- ORT - which invented the electoral results? Was it not
the Kremlin?
Francois Bonnet: You have
always preferred to be in opposition. You have refused
all posts in the government. Surely this is the payment
for your action?
Grigory Yavlinsky: In Russia
we still have only corrupt and criminal governments. I
refused to work there, as this would mean working with
the mafia, supporting its methods and constantly trading
with your conscience. This was the main factor behind
the August 1998 crisis and default, which was finally
announced by Sergei Kiriyenko. It should be made clear,
that this crisis facilitated the harbouring of money by
Russian oligarchs. The old nomenclatura reigned the country
for almost ten years and concluded a union with the "young
reformers" with the aim of getting of $50 bln from the
West, a stolen $50 bln. Consequently I see no need to
work with such governments, which, on the top of all this,
have been engaging in a war in Chechnya.
Francois Bonnet: Do you
think, that Vladimir Putin is a man of this nomenclature?
Grigory Yavlinsky: I think
that Vladimir Putin will strengthen the Yeltsin system,
that is the system of the criminal nomenclatura. The Soviet
regime is not only a system of centralised planning, it
also imposes restrictions, or, in other words, constitutes
an absence of human rights, implementation of the principle
"the goal justifies the means". This involves the sacrifice
of tens of thousands to attain political goals, representative
of a desire to solve all problems from a position of force,
with creeping militarisation of society - that is where
we are today.
Francois Bonnet: In your
opinion, who is closest to the new President? The financier
Boris Berezovsky, Anatoli Chubais or the individuals referred
to as "Yeltsin's entourage" or the leadership of the Federal
Security Service?
Grigory Yavlinsky: All these
people exist and they have created the President. Who
leads here? I am not a psychoanalyst, and I don't see
any difference between them. Then why should he get rid
of them? In my opinion, if someone is in prison, he tries
to get out and fight for his freedom. But we face a different
situation with Putin. There is no single sign that he
wants to get rid of his backers.
Francois Bonnet: How do
you assess the reaction of Western countries to the election
of Putin?
Grigory Yavlinsky: The West
will have to deal with Vladimir Putin, as he represents
Russia now. But, in my opinion, today the West is looking
for any pretext to act as his advocate, present him as
a deserving man and explain that the oligarchy of this
country prevents him from conducting the reforms, etc.
I think that one should not seek justification here. We
should call a spade a spade: for the past ten years we
have seen only semi-reforms, and the population of the
country voted for the representative of the secret services
chosen by Boris Yeltsin. Putin was elected in a country
that has been suffering an unprecedented humiliation.
Our political elite thinks that Russia has been humiliated
by the West; whereas it has been humiliated by the party
nomenclatura.
Francois Bonnet: Do you
think that Mikhail Kasyanov, who will probably become
Prime Minister of Vladimir Putin, and his economic advisers
German Gref and Alexei Kudrin, are representatives of
this nomenclatura?
Grigory Yavlinsky: No, they
are not its direct heirs, but they represent the interests
of the so-called reformers, who concluded a union with
it.
Francois Bonnet: Does your
electoral result complicate the creation of an opposition-minded
coalition of democratic and reformist forces?
Grigory Yavlinsky: This will
be very difficult work. We try to work in the Duma with
liberals from the SPS (the group uniting Sergei Kiriyenko,
Boris Nemtsov and Yegor Gaidar), but I think that these
small liberal parties cannot really exist, and their leaders
support the war as they see here a way of restoring the
army’s former pride. They can hardly be called liberal
and democrats.
Francois Bonnet: What will
you do if Putin offers you or some representatives of
your party posts in the Government?
Grigory Yavlinsky: Why? To
continue the war in Chechnya, introduce military lessons
in kindergartens, prepare political information for the
ORT and organise a deal to enable Boris Berezovsky to
buy 60% of Russia's aluminium market? Today I see that
the government is only engaged in such actions.