FOREWORD TO THE PROLOGUE
Let us try to imagine developments in Russia
at least a year from now.
Which factors will determine the state of
our country and its citizens in such a new environment?
Owing to a dearth of knowledge and historical
precedents, we
lack the requisite elements to answer these questions fully.
We don't even have a developed terminology at our disposal
to describe current developments, and major social processes
are still at their embryonic stage. Although we intend to
examine this subject professionally and objectively, we
are
well aware that we are speaking about our own country. So
we
shall begin from the basics.
Reforms in Russia were traditionally initiated
and
implemented by the central authorities via a regimented
top-down bureaucracy.
By Autumn 1992 the "reformist movement
from the top" had
virtually exhausted itself: the potential for continuing
on
this path had been reduced to a minimum.
Owing to the inertia of previous mentality
and delusions
about our country's ability to act according to established
economic patterns in the face of dramatic changes in the
political structure, we rapidly lost the instruments we
needed to conduct the reforms. The federal central
authorities have actually lost their economic and
political potential to conduct the reforms. However, neither
the authorities nor society seem to fully realise this.
In this sense we are moving to the end of
AN ENTIRE ERA OF
REFORMS, consisting of a number of serious failures. The
reforms never managed to radically improve the lives of
the
majority of people.
Summing up developments and results from
a purely economic
angle, it could be said that we are witnessing the final
act
of the reformist drama and are now confronted by a
completely new stage of development.
Russia is undergoing new qualitative changes
in need of
interpretation. It must once again decide its future.
The new state of affairs in Russia has been
engendered by a
cascade of emerging differences in people's lives, their
attitudes, aims and ways of achieving their goals. A similar
process has been noted in different regions and among
different ethnic groups. Diversifying trends are
beginning to influence interests, economic forms and
politics.
This constitutes A STATE OF COEXISTENCE
OF INCREASING
DIFFERENCES AND DIVERGENCES.
- 10 -
Owing to an absence of institutional forms,
legal norms and
economic models (i.e., regulators of these processes,
ensuring that they are democratic and secure), conflicts
may
flare up. A spontaneous process may transform the
differences into contradictions and lead to a clash.
Consequently Russia is facing the problems
of a fledgling
state, which contains both potential dangers and new
opportunities. One must correctly evaluate the situation,
recognise these opportunities and exploit them.
In our view we can already distinguish the
starting blocks,
which enable us to try out new paths and exert a decisive
influence on the fate of the country: Russian territories
and their peoples, new social and professional
communities
and, finally, new ideas that are a departure from great-
power thinking, which is fading irrevocably from the minds
of our people. It is being replaced by daily domestic
problems, the family, social group, ethnic and territorial
communities.
The need for safety and stability and the
emergence of
principally new opportunities provide the main solution
- a
new rationale and paradigm: "DISMANTLING - REFORMS
FROM THE
TOP" IS BEING REPLACED BY "DEVELOPMENT FROM WITHIN
-
CREATION FROM THE BOTTOM".
New economic and political transformations are emerging:
from individual interests to those of a territorial
community, and in so far as these interests are common -
to
new integrity.
In specific political conditions, the new
integration in
Russia should be engendered by developments, taking place
both at a federal level, and in the regions, which mutually
interact and thereby initiate the evolution of the present
federal centre or the formation of a new one.
Now that the changes have taken place, a
radically new
country is emerging, involving a different division of power
and internal ties.
Even today Russia's regional authorities
are assuming
progressively more functions as architects and proponents
of
their own economic and social policies.
According to the new rationale, ALL THE
ELEMENTS AND
MECHANISMS OF NEW ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL PROGRAMMES,
proceeding from vital problems and being implemented in
the
territories, CAN ONLY GUARANTEE HORIZONTAL COORDINATION
ON A
VOLUNTARY BASIS, WITH DUE ACCOUNT TAKEN OF EXISTING
DIFFERENCES. This envisages movement towards new integrity
through the "nuclei of crystallisation", which
are made up
of all centres of cooperation, and proponents
of ideas of
civil society and consensus. On this basis, regional
authorities can become aware of their role as independent
- 11 -
subjects of political transformations. After
defining their
place in this process, they can formulate their own goals,
as well as common ones and the ways of achieving them.
On the other hand, ANY ATTEMPTED REFORMS
FROM THE "TOP",
WHICH AIM TO REVIVE SECTORAL MANAGEMENT in the interests
of,
for example, the so-called commodity producers - something
Russia is still not insured against - are in principle
DOOMED TO FAILURE, EVEN IF THE TOTALITARIAN REGIME IS
RESTORED. They can only serve to aggravate the economic
situation. The limited potential of such a scenario will
prevent any resolution of ethnic, social and political
problems, contradict the interests of individual producers
(different forms of property, in the first place), and also
make them clash with consumer interests. The state
structures lobbying on behalf of industrial or corporate
interests are, as a rule, ineffectual and incompetent
outside the sphere of their own utilitarian interests.
Moreover they have nothing in common with the historical
process of transformation of the Eurasian community and
the
creation of a new Russia.
The starting point for the creation of a
new society is
characterised by the diversity and variety of the new
entities, changes in development structures, their new
rationale, and the emergence of new driving forces and the
realization of their interests.
We must now try to come to terms with these
developments and
consequently take prompt action.
IT IS ABSOLUTELY CLEAR TO US THAT THERE
IS NO ALTERNATIVE TO
NEW INTEGRATION. Our choice dictates a certain rationale
and
specific practice, which will be described in this book.
|