Our reporter inquired at Yabloko's head office why the public rarely hears Grigory Yavlinsky's voice these days. "Grigory Yavlinsky often speaks on radio programmes. However, he shouldn't be a plug for every barrel," Press Secretary Yevgeniya Dillindorf replied. We also discovered that Yavlinsky had been on vacation since late July and that before that he had been working on his thesis for a doctorate, which he plans to defend this autumn. Well, that's important as well. However, the question remains: is the absence of the Svoboda Slova (Freedom of Speech) programme on TV sufficient reason for some prominent Russian politicians to retreat into some sort of underground? Prominent Yabloko members debate this topic.

Sergei Ivanenko, senior deputy chairman of the Yabloko party

Question: We've heard little about your party of late. Have you changed your tactics?

Ivanenko: Our country has entered a qualitatively new phase: a semi-democratic system with strong elements of authoritarianism, dominated by the bureaucracy, has been built and taken root. It is not touching the economy or the humanitarian sphere. But in politics, the changes are noticeable. No independent political structures exist: neither the Federation Council, nor the Duma, nor the courts, nor the media have escaped the Kremlin's attention. Everywhere you look, control is being exercised informally, so far - via phone calls - or directly in some cases. These conditions determine the tactics. We cannot expect free access to the national media now, primarily television. Our financial capacities are also limited, as the private sector is being monitored. In conclusion, it is simply becoming more dangerous for an ordinary person to work with an independent political party than it was in the past. As a result tactics have changed. In brief, we have been working directly with the people, in an attempt to find a substitute for television. This is indispensable, although it's hard. We have boosted the number of demonstrations, as the streets represent one the few tools we have at our disposal to influence public opinion and political developments. I should note some changes in this sphere as well: our activists have been subjected to very rough physical methods for the first time this year - they have been beaten. This is another landmark of our era. In terms of our general direction, this marks a transition to the forms of direct democracy.

Question: The protests you've mentioned are mainly being conducted by the youth branch of Yabloko. Grigory Yavlinsky, whom no one ever sees now, used to comment on all significant issues. Has he retired as the leader of Yabloko? Has he abandoned politics in favor of academia?

Ivanenko: Not at all. We are responsible for our youth movement. We don't guide it, in the primitive sense of that term: we don't give instructions on where to organize demonstrations, on the clothes they should wear or on the grounds for holding a demonstration. At the same time we are naturally responsible for everything they do. It would be wrong ton say that the leaders have retired.

Question: Does Yavlinsky take part in preparations for any specific events?

Ivanenko: He's the party leader; he is responsible for all party developments, as is the rest of the Yabloko leadership. Let me stress again: our party is not the Communist Party of the Soviet Union or a group of Young Pioneers; we are a civil party. Some people carry out relatively independent political activities as part of our general ideology.

Yabloko Deputy Chairman Sergei Mitrokhin

Question: How have the tactics of Yabloko changed lately?

Mitrokhin: The tactics were determined at the congress, where it was stated unambiguously that Yabloko opposed the president and the United Russia party. All our tactics are related to our attempts to consolidate the forces of civil society. Cooperation with a multitude of civic organizations is a policy which has become more pronounced of late. We have also become more open to various forms of cooperation with other political forces. We have taken joint actions with the leftist youth front and even the communists. For instance, we held demonstrations against the cancellation of benefits and on the ban on referendums. In our opinion it is possible to found a broad democratic front which would uphold the most significant achievements of democracy where everybody, even the communists, are interested.

Question: Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky used to speak out about the party's stance on serious issues. Now you primarily express your views through various demonstrations. Why?

Mitrokhin: Demonstrations have always been a tradition for us. This component has become more noticeable, as we we have been cordoned off from the media, primarily television, given that political censorship has actually been introduced. Therefore, street rallies have become a significant component of our activities. They enable us to convey our views to the voters, and to the authorities. Besides, this is a method of influencing the authorities' decisions, where we have repeatedly succeeded. This happened in late March, when our efforts helped prevent the adoption of a bill, which would have banned demonstrations and public gatherings. The protests related to the abolition of benefits may not have yielded the result we hoped to achieve. Against the backdrop of the pressure exerted on the Duma, including from our people, some amendments have been passed, which would have been unlikely without such protest actions. We are serious about the draft Housing Code, which is to be passed this autumn. We are mobilising all our forces to disrupt the passage of that legislation. This is a monstrous document, which will lead to lower living standards for the overwhelming majority of the population.

Question: Why aren't we seeing much of Grigory Yavlinsky?

Mitrokhin: He's on vacation now... Just show me a single politician belonging to the opposition! There's no place for them on television. The Svoboda Slova program has been taken off the air.

This was the last major programme where Yavlinsky could appear. Where else? Nowhere. This is why he's not seen. This is the policy of media censorship, which creates a distorted picture of political reality: now you can only get some coverage and express your position by adopting more radical forms of street protest.

Nezavisimaya Gazeta, August 11, 2004