| *YABLOKO means 'Apple' in Russian
Grigory Yavlinsky did not
make any official statements regarding the new movement. In the meantime,
several days before the appearance of YABLOKO without Yavlinsky, Irina
Khakamada of the Union of Right-Wing Forces quite earnestly spoke of an
alliance between the Union of Right-Wing Forces and YABLOKO to overcome
the 5% barrier.
YABLOKO activists are determined to close ranks in the face of the new
threat. Last Saturday, however, Igor Rabinovich (head of the Bashkortostan
regional branch of YABLOKO) brought up the matter of who might be interested
in the appearance of YABLOKO without Yavlinsky - saying the list might
include United Russia, the Communist Party, or even the presidential administration.
This vague list enables analysts and political scientists to venture all
sorts of theories, and even suspect the presence of some third force interfering
with the arrangement of forces on the right.
It is already clear that YABLOKO is focusing its parliamentary campaign
around the publicity efforts of its opponents. Financial capacities and
smart political consultants have enabled the party to criticize the government
more bitterly than the Communist Party, reorganize housing and utilities
better than the Union of Right-Wing Forces, and fight corruption more
effectively than United Russia. It is only natural to assume that any
of these parties might have been interested in putting YABLOKO under pressure.
From this point of view, YABLOKO without Yavlinsky is a godsend.
Rabinovich's thesis that attempts are being made to present YABLOKO
as a party of squabblers is quite interesting, particularly in view of
the scale of rotation of YABLOKO leaders. It is common knowledge that
Yuri Boldyrev, Vyacheslav Igrunov, Mikhail Zadornov, and about twenty
other leaders quit YABLOKO at one time or another because they were unable
to work with Yavlinsky. This consideration supports the theory that YABLOKO
without Yavlinsky is a result of centrifugal tendencies in the current
leadership of YABLOKO.
Previous sponsors may have severed financial contacts with Yavlinsky.
Or they are about to. In such a situation some third force appears, the
force associated with Boris Berezovsky. Losing one political party after
another, Berezovsky must have inevitably come to Yavlinsky. Viewed in
this context, Berezovsky's "New Redistribution" in Kommersant looks
like an offer rather than another ration of mud. It follows that the establishment
of YABLOKO without Yavlinsky resembles Berezovsky's usual way of doing
things. In the first place, having Yavlinsky under pressure devalues YABLOKO.
Secondly, the activity of the movement will identify the functionaries
who are ready to turn their back on Yavlinsky the leader. Thirdly, using Liberal Russia
to distract attention from his real intentions, Berezovsky can quietly
but effectively build up his influence with the next Duma.
Which political force is behind the new movement? Leader of YABLOKO
without Yavlinsky Igor Morozov would not comment on the composition of
the upper echelons of the new movement or on its sponsors. He claims,
however, that the movement will support YABLOKO in the elections if Yavlinsky
steps down.
See also:
State Duma elections
2003
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