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By Grigory Yavlinsky

OPINION
Yabloko Rejects Putin's 'Managed Democracy'

St.Petersburg Times, January 25, 2002

THE most important positive political development of 2001 is, without doubt, the set of decisions taken by the country's leadership in the wake of Sept. 11. President Vladimir Putin, despite opposition from the political elite and from his own entourage, came out in favor of Russia joining the international anti-terrorism coalition. This decision was the right one, not only for the show of solidarity with the victims of these ignoble attacks, but also because the threats with which the United State was confronted are no less - and possibly even more - daunting in Russia's case.


The main thing is that the direction of foreign policy following Sept. 11 has considerable strategic potential and could serve as one of the foundations for Russia to become a European state. In light of this, the agreements signed in October at meetings between Putin and the leaders of EU members in Brussels are very important.


However, the fact is that serious moves toward Europe can only be achieved if foreign-policy steps are attended by real and profound changes in domestic policy. So far, no such changes have taken place. On the contrary, domestically there have been no positive developments, only negative ones. The main one is the crack down on independent national television companies such as NTV last year and, now, TV6. The upshot is news coverage on different channels is becoming more and more uniform, and this is a huge leap backward toward the absolute supremacy of a single "correct" point of view.

And this is but one in a long list of missteps that includes the liquidation of the Presidential Pardons Commission and the indictment of Grigory Pasko on charges of treason - something that should be taken as a clear warning to all democratic politicians and journalists, and indeed, to all independent-minded people.

The direction of our domestic policy toward "managed democracy" and an administrative-bureaucratic corporatist system - in which emasculated democratic institutions and procedures reduced to an empty formality serve as some kind of fig leaf - remains unchanged. This system operates for the benefit of bureaucrats and functionaries. In this country, bureaucrats and the majority of politicians neither want nor are capable of running the country under democratic conditions, they merely want to look respectable in the eyes of the international community. Thus, instead of democracy, they are creating a Pyotemkin village, whose facade merely looks European.

In reality, power is concentrated in a single center: the Kremlin. The State Duma has ceased to play any serious role and merely acts obediently on the instructions of the executive branch. The government is entirely technocratic and largely represents the interests of natural monopolies and big business, which are intertwined with the state.

Our judges are not independent and frequently do not so much pass sentence so much as render services to the authorities, as in the case of Pasko, the TV6 case and many, many others at all levels.

Civil society is developing dynamically, but its participation in political and public life remains extremely limited. Last year, there was a very real danger of the authorities establishing control over civic organizations and that danger persists, especially for those organizations that monitor the state's compliance with human-rights and liberties legislation. I am convinced that the organization of the pompous "Civic Forum" in the Kremlin Palace of Congresses last year was undertaken with a view toward taking control of these organizations.

The advantages of "managed democracy" are very seriously discussed. The so-called political elite foists upon the country the following choice: either managed democracy or none at all.

However, attempting to manage democracy is tantamount to destroying it and with its destruction, the only hope for a worthy future for the country and its citizens will also die. Last year showed very clearly that the administrative-bureaucratic system wrapped in sham democracy is extremely ineffective.

Federal reforms and the construction of a "vertical executive chain of command" have clearly failed. Presidential plenipotentiaries in the federal districts can by no means be called key political figures, even in individual regions of their districts. In regional elections, it has become normal practice to use the dirtiest of smear campaign tactics. The courts, the prosecutor's office and law enforcement agencies perform political "orders," and the elimination of candidates (on some technicality) on the eve of elections is widespread. Furthermore, governors and the presidents of ethnic republics who pledge loyalty to the Kremlin are not only given carte blanche to continue their arbitrary and unchecked rule, but also get to run for an unconstitutional third term in office.

The authorities' propagandists have declared victory in the "information war" around the situation in Chechnya. However, the silence does not undo what is happening on the ground. Every day people are dying in the republic - including Russian soldiers and innocent civilians - and every day is marked by the complete absence of the rule of law. The policy toward Chechnya is at a complete impasse and is both senseless and dangerous. It has made the situation much more difficult than it was in 1999, when the federal government had a unique opportunity to win the support of the majority of the civilian population of Chechnya. The situation has deteriorated to such an extent that now a huge amount of preparatory work will be required for talks, which cannot be avoided, to produce some positive results. Today, Chechnya is a source of constant pain that has spread across the body politic and has contributed greatly to the moral degradation of the political elite.

Is capitalism in Russia becoming more civilized? Gradually, enterpreneurs, some major industrialists, certain journalists and the public in general are coming to the realization that the system of wild capitalism is hostile to an open society, democracy, and the observance of human rights. It is not only inadmissible and anathema to modern liberalism, it is also catastrophically counter-productive to the emergence of a competitive, modern market economy. The problem, however, is that the state is closely tied to this system, and is shored up by it, in spite of all the talk about "equal distancing from the oligarchs."

Economic growth, about which so much has been said for the most of the past year, has been primarily a product of high world oil prices. This cannot be considered an achievement of the government, but rather a stroke of good fortune that cannot be relied upon to endure.

In fact, there have been very few significant reforms. Yes, taxes have been reduced and an acceptable budget has been passed, the parameters of which, to a large extent, coincide with the alternative budget produced by Yabloko. Within the framework of Production Sharing Agreements, a contract has been signed with Exxon oil company to the tune of $12 billion. But this is not enough.

In general, obstacles are not being overcome and problems are simply being put off until tomorrow. This could result in Russia irreversibly falling behind Europe and the developed countries of the world. The necessary structural reforms, new technologies, real private property, and support for small and medium-sized enterpreneurs are not in place. In addition, there are serious demographic problems, as well as the problem of reforming the armed forces, on which the security of the country directly depends.


And time is running out. This year will in many respects be decisive, and success or failure depends on whether measures will be implemented to make good on the lag. If the problems of structural economic reform, attracting investment, creation of a modern, independent judicial system and stamping out corruption are not resolved in the next year or year-and-a-half, Russia's statehood may be under threat.


A great deal depends on the actions of the democratic opposition. Yabloko supports Putin's foreign policy after Sept. 11, but is completely and irreconcilably opposed to the course aimed at establishing in the country a full-blown corporatist police state.


A broad coalition is only now beginning to be formed. Last year, there were two sessions of the Democratic Consultative Meeting, which brought together political and civic organizations of a democratic orientation. The formation of a democratic coalition will be achieved by working out common positions on the most important issues in the life of the country, coordinating actions for the defence of human rights, democratic institutions, independent media, as well as the creation of similar coalitions at the regional level.

For our party, 2001 was not a bad year, although it was also not an easy one. Over the past six months, more than 6,000 people joined the party. We are learning to build a party on new principles. In leadership elections for the party and for selecting a candidate for the presidential elections, we also plan to hold primaries for first time in Russia.


Our goals for the immediate future are to oppose the building of sham democracy and to promote the necessary reforms for country. In the economy, this is the continuation of tax reform, the creation of a functioning banking system and developing legislation to facilitate investment into the country. In state building, top of the agenda is to make the Federation Council an elected body. The relevant bills are already ready or being prepared. We will also do all within our power to push armed forces reform forward and to adopt a professional army. This is absolutely essential and can be achieved in the immediate future.

 Grigory Yavlinsky, leader of the Yabloko party, contributed
                 this comment to The St. Petersburg Times.

St.Petersburg Times, January 25, 2002

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