Congresses and Docs

Memorandum of Political Alternative

YABLOKO's Ten Key Programme Issues


YABLOKO's Political Platform Adopted by the 15th Congress, June 21, 2008

The 18th Congress of YABLOKO

RUSSIA DEMANDS CHANGES! Electoral Program for 2011 Parliamentary Elections.

Key resolutions by the Congress:

On Stalinism and Bolshevism
Resolution. December 21, 2009

On Anti-Ecological Policies of Russia’s Authorities. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 253, December 24, 2009

On the Situation in the Northern Caucasus. Resolution of the 15th congress of the YABLOKO party No 252, December 24, 2009


YABLOKO’s Political Committee: Russian state acts like an irresponsible business corporation conducting anti-environmental policies


Overcoming bolshevism and stalinism as a key factor for Russia¦µ™s transformation in the 21st century


On Russia's Foreign Policies. Political Committee of hte YABLOKO party. Statement, June 26, 2009


On Iran’s Nuclear Problem Resolution by the Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 6, 2009


Anti-Crisis Proposals (Housing-Roads-Land) of the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO. Handed to President Medvedev by Sergei Mitrokhin on June 11, 2009

Brief Outline of Sergei Mitrokhin’s Report at the State Council meeting. January 22, 2010


Assessment of Russia’s Present Political System and the Principles of Its Development. Brief note for the State Council meeting (January 22, 2010) by Dr.Grigory Yavlinsky, member of YABLOKO’s Political Committee. January 22, 2010


Address of the YABLOKO party to President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Medvedev. Political Committee of the YABLOKO party. October 9, 2009


The 17th Congress of YABLOKO




The 16th Congress of Yabloko

Photo by Sergei Loktionov

The 12th congress of Yabloko

The 11th congress of Yabloko

The 10th congress of Yabloko

Moscow Yabloko
Yabloko for Students
St. Petersburg Yabloko
Khabarovsk Yabloko
Irkutsk Yabloko
Kaliningrad Yabloko(eng)
Novosibirsk Yabloko
Rostov Yabloko
Yekaterinburg Yabloko
(Sverdlovsk Region)

Krasnoyarsk Yabloko
Ulyanovsk Yabloko
Tomsk Yabloko
Tver Yabloko(eng)
Penza Yabloko
Stavropol Yabloko

Action of Support




Programme by candidate for the post of Russian President Grigory Yavlinsky. Brief Overview

My Truth

Grigory Yavlinsky at Forum 2000, Prague, 2014

YABLOKO-ALDE conference 2014

Grigory Yavlinsky : “If you show the white feather, you will get fascism”

Grigory Yavlinsky: a coup is started by idealists and controlled by rascals

The Road to Good Governance

Risks of Transitions. The Russian Experience

Grigory Yavlinsky on the Russian coup of August 1991

A Male’s Face of Russia’s Politics

Black Sea Palaces of the New Russian Nomenklatura


The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (And How to Avert the Nest One)

by Dr. Grigory Yavlinsky

On the results of the Conference “Migration: International Experience and Russia’s Problems” conducted by the Russian United Democratic Party YABLOKO and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (the ALDE party)

Moscow, April 6, 2013

International Conference "Youth under Threat of Extremism and Xenophobia. A Liberal Response"
conducted jointly by ELDR and YABLOKO. Moscow, April 21, 2012. Speeches, videos, presentations

What does the opposition want: to win or die heroically?
Moskovsky Komsomolets web-site, July 11, 2012. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Yulia Kalinina.

Building a Liberal Europe - the ALDE Project

By Sir Graham Watson

Lies and legitimacy
The founder of the Yabloko Party analyses the political situation. Article by Grigory Yavlinsky on radio Svoboda. April 6, 2011

Algorithms for Opposing Gender Discrimination: the International and the Russian Experience

YABLOKO and ELDR joint conference

Moscow, March 12, 2011

Reform or Revolution

by Vladimir Kara-Murza

Is Modernisation in Russia Possible? Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky and Boris Titov by Yury Pronko, "The Real Time" programme, Radio Finam, May 12, 2010

Grigory Yavlinsky's interview to Vladimir Pozner. The First Channel, programme "Pozner", April 20, 2010 (video and transcript)

Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems by Galina Mikhaleva. Research Centre for the East European Studies, Bremen, February 2010.

Grigory Yavlinsky: Vote for the people you know, people you can turn for help. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, October 8, 2009

Grigory Yavlinsky: no discords in the tandem. Grigory Yavlinsky’s interview to the Radio Liberty
September 22, 2009

A Credit for Half a Century. Interview with Grigory Yavlinsky by Natalia Bekhtereva, Radio Russia, June 15, 2009

Sergei Mitrokhin's Speech at the meeting with US Preseident Barack Obama. Key Notes, Moscow, July 7, 2009

Mitrokhin proposed a visa-free regime between Russia and EU at the European liberal leaders meeting
June 18, 2009

by Grigory Yavlinsky

European Union chooses Grigory Yavlinsky!
Your vote counts!

Reforms that corrupted Russia
By Grigory Yavlinsky, Financial Times (UK), September 3, 2003

Grigory Yavlinsky: "It is impossible to create a real opposition in Russia today."
Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 2, 2003

Alexei Arbatov: What Should We Do About Chechnya?
Interview with Alexei Arbatov by Mikhail Falaleev
Komsomolskaya Pravda, November 9, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: Our State Does Not Need People
Novaya Gazeta,
No. 54, July 29, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky: The Door to Europe is in Washington
Obschaya Gazeta, May 16, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's speech.
March 11, 2002

Grigory Yavlinsky's Lecture at the Nobel Institute
Oslo, May 30, 2000



Yabloko: Liberals in Russia

By Alexander Shishlov, July 6, 2009

Position on Some Important Strategic Issues of Russian-American Relations

Moscow, July 7, 2009

The Embrace of Stalinism

By Arseny Roginsky, 16 December 2008

Nuclear Umbrellas and the Need for Understanding: IC Interview With Ambassador Lukin
September 25, 1997

Would the West’s Billions Pay Off?
Los Angeles Times
By Grigory Yavlinsky and Graham Allison
June 3, 1991

This world was not invented by Putin

Yavlinsky: Russia’s leadership led the country to a deadlock and hopes for Trump’s mercy


The 53rd edition of the Munich Security Conference opens on February 17. Although it will be the continuation of the G20 Foreign Ministers Meeting and could become a platform for contacts on a range of issues, it is not likely that we should seriously expect anything from the Munich Forum. It seems that this time those who gathered in Germany have neither understanding of what is going on nor readiness for practical solutions.

The swift resignation of Michael T. Flynn, the USA presidents’s national security adviser, shows that the new American administration, which is being closely followed by the whole world and Russia in particular, has no policy at the moment. Donald Trump himself does not know what he is going to do. Neither the objectives of the future policy nor the course of action ensue from the populist speeches of the U.S. president. Even if he has some perspective of the situation in the world, it can easily transform into the exactly opposite decisions under the influence of new factors such as the disclosure of his advisers’ connections with Russia. In fact, this is the way the stance of the White House on Crimea is being taken, and the Kremlin is already wondering for three days whether this is Trump’s opinion or his spokesperson’s…

A week before the Munich Conference in Russia they reflected on the conference where Putin had made a speech ten years ago. It was 2007, the time of big potential opportunities for Russia. Putin’s confrontational anti-American speech in Munich is an example of how opportunities can be wasted on illusions, attempts to lecture other countries and deliberate empty talks on the multi-polar world, on the energy superpower, on the financial safe havens an so on. And this took place instead of Russia’s active participation and help in solving global challenges.

Munich 2007 had not yet become the shift in foreign policy but had already marked the deadlock where Russia found itself as a result of the authoritarian domestic policy. However, one could discern the deadlock a year earlier when G8 Summit was held in St.Petersburg. On the face of it the summit seemed to be the top of Putin’s success, but it was already clear that the participants of the G8 are not able to solve the important issues concerning international security due to the deep difference in values and aims. It was already clear that Russia’s policy does not involve reforms and development, that its political system increasingly resembles an unavailing authoritarian system, and its economy remained to be oligarchic and resource dependent. The past ten years only aggravated the situation.

All these years Russia’s authorities were selfishly settling down in a deadlock without carrying out domestic reforms, creating a modern state, diversifying the economy, and separating business from power. At the same time, the growing economic and political problems at the intersection of decades led to a crisis of trust in 2011-2012 when the government responded to it with a crack-down on the civil society and forming of an anti-European course. It was this course which led to isolation, war, and a visible perspective of a collapse.

No, of course, this course by no means predicted the global development. Although its stylistic components fell into the global landscape which shaped after the British Brexit and the election of Trump, it is just a coincidence. Russia does not give a lead in this world since, unfortunately, it finds itself on the periphery. Today Trump is the leader according to the number of mentions in Russian media. Russian leadership is expecting a call from Trump. Russian experts and political strategists divine the essence of every Trump’s step like a higher calling. And the main task of Russian Foreign Affairs Minister Sergei Lavrov at the forthcoming Munich Conference is to try to arrange a meeting between Putin and Trump.

As for the global challenges and threats, which the whole world has to fight, they did not alter much within ten years. They are the absence of a clear strategy of development and international terrorism as well as the uncertainty which will push politicians to make easy, belligerent, and radical decisions resulting from the “otherwise we may never get a chance” logic. As a result, any hot spot or a potentially hot spot – the Middle East, Afghanistan, Iran, Korea, India and Pakistan, the Caucasus, Ukraine or even China – may grow into a big war, literally a world conflagration.

However, “nationalist” politicians, “isolation” politicians and “carriers of cheep populism” politicians, those who are trying to get dividends from the fear and confusion of ordinary citizens today, will not only improve nothing but will sharply intensify the situation in the world enough as it is. The ability to manipulate the opinion of a large number of people is an accidental political wealth, and, actually, they do not know how to handle it. The whole world will have to pay the windfall tax, a tax on profits that ensue from a sudden windfall gain. Probably Russia will be one of the first. We are too week to fish alone in the troubled waters of the total chaos. It is an extremely unfavorable situation for us taking into consideration the balance of our real potential, geographic location and resources, the situation with economy and demography.

The whole Russia’s policy of the past ten years is a dangerous nonsense. It targets phantom goals. There will be no “Eurasian vector”, no notorious multipolarity, no “new Yalta” and no division of the world into the “spheres of influence”. Globalization took place, it is a fact, and the relations between leaders of the global world will be very different from what we used to see in the 20th century. We do not need to wait for what Trump is about in order to define our place in the world, to form the agenda in our country. And we must not build relationship with the U.S. president via some clandestine channels – via foreign’s advisers or our hackers, that is for sure. We must not try to get into global politics through a keyhole. It will only make things worse.

Our country needs a serious foreign policy which will reflect the interests of Russia in the right combination with world realia and the historical process. But there is no one to develop such a policy, no one to carry it out in our country. Putin is busy with other things: we have a war with Ukraine and the largest part of the Arab world, quarrel with Belarus, bomb the Turks by accident… The current Russia’s leadership led the country to a deadlock and hopes for Trump’s mercy. It is time to give up the peripheral foreign policy fuss and take up real policy in Russia which will give us the ability to define our future in the complicated and dangerous world not on paper but in real life.